Top dissident republicans taken off the streets

British Internment alive and ongoing in the 32 Counties of Ireland !!!

THREE of the North’s most senior dissident republicans have been taken off the streets after a second Belfast city centre attack. With a manhunt under way on both sides of the border for a firebomber injured by his own device, the three dissident chiefs were charged on Tuesday with an array of serious offences.

Colin Duffy, Alec McCrory and Harry Fitzsimmons all have a history of republican activism dating back to the Provisional IRA. Dissident republicans have been particularly active in the run-up to Christmas with shots fired at police in North and West Belfast, a bomb left in an entertainment area of the city on one of the busiest nights of the year and an attempt on Monday to firebomb a city centre shop. The trio, in their forties and fifties, were arrested on Sunday, 48 hours after a bomb exploded in Belfast’s Cathedral Quarter while it was packed with Christmas parties. Duffy is accused of IRA membership and plotting to murder security-force members. McCrory and Fitzimmons are charged with attempting to murder police officers travelling on Crumlin Road in North Belfast on December 5. All three are also charged with conspiracy to possess firearms and explosives with intent to endanger life and belonging to a proscribed organisation. McCrory and Fitzisimmons face further charges of aiding and abetting the possession of a firearm. The alleged offences cover a period between January 1 and December 16 this year.

Amid heavy security at Belfast Magistrates Court, supporters of the three accused packed the public gallery on Tuesday. At one stage the defendents declined to stand up as some of the charges were put to them. A detective said he could connect them to the charges and no applications for bail were made during the short hearing. The trio waved at friends who clapped as they were remanded in custody to appear again by videolink in four weeks’ time. Meanwhile, two arrests were made outside the court complex as tensions heightened briefly. There were minor scuffles amid a heavy police presence at the Oxford Street exit as supporters of Duffy, McCrory and Fitzimmions left the building. North Belfast men Daniel Lundy and Aidan Fergusion, both from Ardoyne, were arrested and taken to Musgrave Police Station and charged with assaulting police, disorderly behaviour and resisting police. They were released on bail to appear before Belfast Magistrates Court on January 13.

With many thanks to: The Irish News.

ABOUT MARTIN COREY – Politicial Internee and British Hostage

Demand The Release of Political Internee Martin CoreyDerry Doire


Martin Corey is a former Provisional IRA member. In 1973, he took part in a Provisional IRA ambush on the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Aghalee along with two other Volunteers, Peter McVeigh and William Meehan. One RUC officer; Constable Raymond Wylie, died instantly. Constable Robert McCauley died on 25 March 1973, almost one month after the initial incident.

In December 1973, Martin Corey, along with his two comrades, was found guilty of the shooting and sentenced to life imprisonment inside the H-Blocks. He was released in June 1992.

He was taken back into custody on April 16, 2010, on the basis of “closed material”. On July 9, Justice Treacy ruled that Martin Corey’s human rights had been breached and he should be released immediately on unconditional bail. This was overruled by Secretary of State, Shaun Woodward.

On July 10, the matter was referred back to the court. The matter was to be reviewed by Justice McCloskey who further stayed corey’s release until an appeal court could hear it the next day. An appeal was heard on July 11, with Justice McCloskey and Justice Morgan. That court upheld the Secretary of States’ overruling, and referred it to be heard again on September 28, 2012.

Martin Corey was granted compassionate leave to attend the funeral mass of his brother who died in May, 2012. That decision was brought to the High Court in Belfast who upheld it. Leave was eventually granted on the condition that two members of the Northern Ireland Assembly and his lifelong friend Jim McIlmurray accompany him.

He was born in Lurgan, Co. Armagh, Ireland.

IRA membership accused face trial

Judge rules against suggested media ban


THREE men and two women charged with Provisional IRA membership will stand trial at Belfast Crown Court, a judge ruled yesterday.

Veteran republicans Padraic Wilson (54), whose address was given as the Sinn Fein Advice Centre on Falls Road, West BBelfast, and Seamus Finucane (56), of Hawthorn Hill, Hannahstown, were two of the five people charged with offences relating to organising a meeting on behalf of the paramilitary group. In the dock alongside them were Agnes McCrory (73), of Dermot Hill Road, Bridge Wright (56), of Glassmullin Gardens and Martin Morris (49), of Wellbeck Road in London. Morris is accused of belonging to a proscribed organisation, namely the Provisional IRA. The others are accused of Provisional IRA membership and multiple counts of organising a meeting on behalf of or in support of a proscribed organisation.

District Judge George Conner agreed that all five defendants had a case to answer and returned them for trial at Belfast Crown Court on a date to be fixed. It is alleged that all five belonged to the IRA on dates between 1997 and 2000. Originally two days had been set aside for a preliminary investigation to be held to test the strength of the prosecution case. However, following private discussions between the pprosecution and defence in judge’s chambers it was decided to proceed with a shorter hearing. The five, who are expected to plead not guilty, answered “no” when asked whether they had any comment to make. All declined to call witnesses at that stage. They were released on £250 bail to reappear in court when a date is set for the case. A ban on publishing the defendants ‘ identities was lifted in October last year. Following yesterday’s hearing the Court Service initially indicated that the reporting restrictions were being reinstated until the case reaches the crown court. However, the judge later decided against the media ban provided that an alleged victim connected to the case is not iidentified.

With many thanks to : Allison Morris, The Irish News.



Derry Doire

About Martin Corey


Martin Corey is a former Provisional IRA member. In 1973, he took part in a Provisional IRA ambush on the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Aghalee along with two other volunteers, Peter McVeigh and William Meehan. One RUC officer; Constable Raymond Wylie, died instantly. Constable Robert McCauley died on 25 March 1973, almost one month after the initial incident.

In December 1973, Corey, along with the two others, was found guilty of the shooting and sentenced to life imprisonment. He was released in June 1992.

He was taken back into custody on April 16, 2010, on the basis of “closed material”. On July 9, Justice Treacy ruled that Martin Corey’s human rights had been breached and he should be released immediately on unconditional bail. This was overruled by Secretary of State, Shaun Woodward.

On July 10, the matter was referred back to the court. The matter was to be reviewed by Justice McCloskey who further stayed corey’s release until an appeal court could hear it the next day. An appeal was heard on July 11, with Justice McCloskey and Justice Morgan. That court upheld the Secretary of States’ overruling, and referred it to be heard again on September 28, 2012.

Corey was granted compassionate leave to attend the funeral mass of his brother who died in May, 2012. That decision was brought to the High Court in Belfast who upheld it. Leave was eventually granted on the condition that two members of the Northern Ireland Assembly and his lifelong friend Jim McIlmurray accompany him.

He was born in Lurgan, Co. Armagh, Ireland.



The weapons and explosives haul was found last Wednesday during a search of lorry containers in a yard at Cloghran, north Dublin. It is unclear how long the cache was at the site but Yards believes the items were moved in recent years rather than stored at the same location since the late 1990s. Along with 15kg of Semtex, the weapons found included an UZI 9mm sub-machine-gun, revolvers, double-barrel-shot-guns, pistols, an air rifle and a Taser, plus around 1,300 rounds of ammunition.

The cache included former Provisional IRA weapons, Police said.

REPUBLICANS have been challenged to explain why explosives were not decommissioned after the discovery of a massive Semtex haul in the Republic. Yards said the explosives, found last week, were part of a cache donated to the Provisional IRA by Libya 30 years ago.

Semtex plastic explosives were among the items found in Cloghran.

They were stored in an arms dump which should have been emptied and decommissioned as part of the peace process. Ulster Unionist Tom Elliott said republicans must explain why the explosives were not put beyond use. He added : “We need republicans to tell us what exactly is going on here and why they have been holding on to explosives. “It doesn’t do much for unionist confidence, and we just wonder are they still part of Provisional IRA stock and are the Provisional IRA passing the weapons to dissidents as and when they need them. We have long suspected that not all Semtex was decommissioned, and clearly there is still a lot of it about. “I have always said that there is co-operation between dissidents and mainstream republicans and that is a major problem.”

A replica golden gun was displayed as part of the dissident weapon haul.


An UZI 9mm Sub Machine gun was recovered during the searches.

The explosive was part of the arms dump found during searches at the Old Airport Road in Cloghran near Dublin last week. Garda revealed more details of the cache on Thursday. Firearms including an Uzi submachine-gun, a Glock semi-automatic pistol, revolvers, shotguns, a silencer and a Tazer stun gun were also recovered, along with 1,300 rounds of ammuntion. A forensic analysis of the Semtex confirmed it had been concealed for over a decade. According to one report, the weapons cache may have been stolen from the Provisional IRA during the Real IRA split in 1998. Garda superintendent Dave Taylor said there was no doubt the seizure had foiled attacks by dissidents. He added : “These weapons are meant for one reason, and one reason only – to kill and maim and cause great destruction to the community. “I have no doubt this will put a dent in the operation of these (dissident) groups.” Underlining the significance of the seizure, Garda said that just 80g of the explosive was used in the bomb that killed PSNJ officer Ronan Kerr in 2011.

With many thanks to : Adrian Rutherford, Belfast Telegraph.



Irsp Alba


Origins of the IRSM Part 1


Most founding members of the Irish Republican Socialist Party and Irish National Liberation Army came out of the Official Irish Republican Movement. Provisional Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA had split from what became known as the “Officials” in late 1969/early 1970, ostensibly over Sinn Fein’s decision to drop its traditional position of abstentionism in regard to Dail Eireann (the parliament of the 26-county statelet), but the cleavage represented divisions of a deeper nature concerning the Officials analysis that the movement had to integrate its commitment to Ireland’s national liberation with a revolutionary orientation towards the economic and social interests of the working class. Following the departure of the Provisionals, a section of the Officials’ leadership used bureaucratic manipulation and subterfuge to cripple internal democracy, thereby permitting them to push through a ceasefire in mid-1972 and to steer a course towards political reformism. Thwarted in attempts to alter the direction of the Officials, its revolutionary socialist cadre left the movement en mass and, with like-minded independent activists, founded the Irish Republican Socialist Party and Irish National Liberation Army, December 10, 1974, to “Mobilise our class towards the objective of dis-establishing the Northern colonial and Southern neo-colonial statelets on this island, thus ending imperialism and capitalism, and preparing the basic structures for an Irish Workers’ State.”





Hot Pursuit

I accuse you of murder! And I will not rest until I bring you to justice! But, anyway, you’re free to leave. No big deal.


On Wednesday, federal prosecutors will walk into an appellate court in Boston and tell a panel of judges that they are seeking evidence in an exceptionally serious crime, the murder of a widowed mother of ten who was taken from her home in Belfast and shot in the back of the head by members of the Provisional IRA. Because they are aiding police officials in the United Kingdom with such an important investigation, they will sound a note of urgency: The matter before the courts must be brought to a conclusion, because murderers must be brought to justice.

They will be full of shit.

There was a murder, and it was awful. A widowed mother was killed, and ten children were left with no parents. But is there amurder investigation underway? Is the Police Service of Northern Ireland working to bring killers to justice?

I’ve said before that you should start thinking about this claim from the moment in 1972 when McConville was taken from her home to be killed. What then? Nothing much. The police have acknowledged that they didn’t try to solve her murder until the 1990s, and even then they didn’t try especially hard, and then finally they admitted that they probably weren’t going to make a case in such an old murder that would survive in a courtroom. Now it’s 2012, and there’s somehow a serious criminal investigation underway.

But this time, let’s start the story somewhere else: February 21, 2010. That’s the date a newspaper in Northern Ireland printed a story alleging that former IRA member Dolours Price — as the paper soberly put it, a “TERRORIST IN A MINI-SKIRT” — had admitted that she drove McConville to her death. Not only that, added the Sunday Life, but she was known to have told the story to researchers at “Boston University,” which is a solid fifty percent correct. (The story isn’t online at the newspaper’s website, but you can see page scans here.)

And so the Police Service of Northern Ireland, alerted to the confession of an accomplice to murder, came roaring to life and began their desperate quest to win justice in the case of Jean McConvilleGame on — justice was awake and on the hunt. The first set of interviews Boston College will potentially give up to the government when the legal appeals are over are the interviews conducted with Dolours Price. Her newspaper confession is bringing the day of legal reckoning ever closer. The newly tireless detectives have almost got their target.

Jean McConville was abducted and murdered in 1972Jean McConville

There are just a few problems with that picture, and start with the fact that the Sunday Life story ran more than a year before anyone got around to asking for subpoenas of the Boston College material. Think about this: A newspaper said on February 21, 2010, that a particular person had driven a murder victim to her death, and that there was more information available in a university archive. The first subpoenas arrived at the university archive in May, 2011. You can almost taste the urgency.

Better yet: In August, 2010 — several months after the Sunday Life story named her as an accomplice in Jean McConville’s murder — Dolours Price was in a courtroom in Northern Ireland, facing criminal charges. Here’s the story on the BBC website. Having confessed to her role in the McConville murder in a published interview, causing the police in Northern Ireland to lock onto her with their laser focus and their passion for justice, Price found herself in the hands of the criminal justice system in the very place where she was known for her role in an infamous political killing. They had her, in the flesh, the IRA terrorist who named Gerry Adams as her commander in a murder she had directly facilitated.

So go read the BBC story. What happened when the woman who drove Jean McConville to her death appeared in a courtroom in Northern Ireland? This: “Convicted Old Bailey bomber Dolours Price has been acquitted of a charge of shoplifting at Newry Magistrates Court.” The end. Terrorist in a mini-skirt!

Months after the Sunday Life story identified Price’s role in McConville’s death, nobody in the criminal justice system in Northern Ireland cared or tried to do anything about it. She went and stood in a courtroom, and no one mentioned the whole “murder of a widowed mother of ten at Gerry Adams’ command” thing. They yawned at her shoplifting charge and sent her home. Because they were so aggressively pursuing it, you see.

In its amicus brief in the legal appeal, the ACLU of Massachusetts charged that the DOJ was facilitating a political investigation, a course that could lead the United States government into ever-more-horrible involvement in appalling political repression overseas. When a foreign government asks for help gathering evidence against political organizations like the IRA, the U.S. government should think carefully about what they’re being asked to do, and the courts should take a close look at the decisions the Justice Department makes.

Here, again, is the government’s most recent brief in the Belfast Project appeal. Look at pg. 57, and let’s go ahead and add emphasis to make this easy:

Finally, nowhere in ACLUM’s argument is there a recognition that a request by a foreign sovereign under a treaty regarding a sensitive and confidential criminal matter is any different than a civil request by a private party in a mundane business matter. ACLUM’s argument, if taken to its logical conclusion, would subject even the most sensitive and urgent law enforcement requests to litigation and delay by persons with a deeply felt, but tangential interest in such a criminal investigation. Under ACLUM’s reading of §3512, criminal defendants in foreign countries, and others who disagree with the foreign policies of the United States, could tie sensitive and urgent international criminal investigations in legal knots.

There is no “sensitive and urgent” criminal investigation. The police in Northern Ireland have had forty years to investigate Jean McConville’s murder, and they have not. They had several months between the publication of a story saying that Dolours Price had driven McConville to her death and the moment when she stood in a courtroom and was available for an easy arrest. They had a year to get around to asking for subpoenas of the Boston College interviews.

Someone needs to apply some skepticism to the government’s framing of these subpoenas. Let’s hope the First Circuit manages the task.


RUC officer refuses to tell tribunal whether Scappaticci is ‘Stakeknife’

Provisional IRA badge

A FORMER assistant chief constable of the RUC has said Freddie Scappaticci was a member of the notorious “nutting squad” which enforced discipline within the Provisional IRA.

Richard White told the Smithwick Tribunal that Mr Scappaticci worked alongside John Joe McGee in the “nutting squad” and both were members of the IRA.

However, Mr White, who acknowledged he had access to intelligence reports on the activities of the double agent known as “Stakeknife”, refused to comment on speculation that Mr Scappaticci was Stakeknife.

Asked if he would like to say anything about speculation that Stakeknife was a British double agent Mr White replied: “No comment”.

With Many Thanks to : TIM O’BRIEN, The Irish Times

Later when counsel for An Garda Síochána Diarmaid McGuinness SC put it to Mr White that he was unable to positively identify Stakeknife as Mr Scappaticci, he replied “I didn’t say I am not able to. I said I am not prepared to.”

The tribunal is inquiring into suggestions of collusion between members of the Garda or other employees in the State in the murder of two RUC officers, Chief Supt Harry Breen and Supt Bob Buchanan, in March 1989.

Mr Scappaticci, who is legally represented at the tribunal, has consistently denied that he is or was Stakeknife, or that he was ever a member of the IRA.

Commenting on relations between the RUC and the Garda he said co-operation in the 1970s had been lacking in official “infrastructure”, taking their lead from “frosty” political relationships.

Mr White said he believed there was some “empathy” among Southerners for those who fled Northern Ireland and settled in the Dundalk area but not for the violence espoused by paramilitaries. He said he had heard the name of Det Sgt Owen Corrigan of Dundalk Garda station in “gossip” in the context of someone who should not be trusted. But he said he had no evidential basis for this.

The tribunal heard journalist Toby Harnden, whose book Bandit Country – the IRA and South Armagh alleged collusion between a Dundalk garda and the IRA, had declined to give evidence.

The tribunal resumes on Friday.

Free Marian Price now By Eamonn McCann

Free Marian Price now

By Eamonn McCann

Published on Wednesday 14 December 2011 03:11
The continuing imprisonment of Marian Price in Maghaberry is a scandal and would be seen more widely in this light were it not for her politics.
Ms Price is in jail on the order of Northern Ireland Secretary Owen Paterson, who signed a document last May ordering the police to put her behind bars.
She had been arrested on May 11th and charged with encouraging support for an illegal organisation. This arose from an action at the 32 Country Sovereignty Movement’s Easter commemoration in Derry city cemetery: on a blustery day, she reached up to hold the script from which a masked representative of the Real IRA was reading the ‘Easter Message’.

Two days later Ms. Price appeared at Bishop Street, where she applied for and was granted bail. She was rearrested when she came out onto the steps of the courthouse.

Mr Patterson had signed a document the previous night purporting to revoke the licence on which she had been released almost 30 years earlier from a life sentence for the 1973 Provisional IRA bombing of the Old Bailey.

If the Derry court had remanded Ms Price in custody, the document would not have been produced. We might not know even now that it existed.

It is not clear whether the prosecution had been aware of the document as it argued against bail. What’s clear is that the bail application had been a farce. The role of the court had been rendered meaningless by Mr Patterson preparing the way in advance to have the decision set aside if it went against his wishes.

This was as blatant an abuse of process as can be imagined.
The offence is compounded by the fact that here is real room for doubt whether Mr Aoh Phila Patterson had authority to order Ms Price back to jail in the first place.
Her lawyers insist she had been freed from the Old Bailey sentence on the basis of a Royal pardon and that the terms of the pardon supersede the powers of the Secretary of State.

The lawyers have asked three times for the pardon to be produced. Three times, the State has maintained that no copy can be discovered.
At one point, her solicitor was told that the pardon must either have been lost or somehow been shredded.

Thus, Ms Price has spent the last seven months in Maghaberry, not on the basis of conviction for a crime but because Owen Patterson believes that the State is better off with her out of the way. She is imprisoned without trial – in everyday language, interned.

She is the only woman in an all-male prison and thus, for practical purposes, in solitary confinement. She is 57 years-old and in very poor health and in constant pain. But these are not the main reasons she should be released.

She should be released because it is an affront to justice and to the rights of citizens that she has been denied her liberty, and even denied sight of the evidence which Owen Patterson says he has seen and which he claims entitles him to deny
her her liberty.

Rights – or privileges

It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the reason there hasn’t been more of a hullaballoo about this matter is that many of those who might have been expected to stand up for civil rights are repelled by Ms Price’s politics.
Which means in turn that the extent to which civil rights are defended in the political mainstream is to some extent at least determined by the political beliefs of whomever is being denied their rights.

This means that the rights we speak of are not rights at all, but privileges to be granted or withheld according to a politician’s judgment of where the State’s interests lie.

The only adequate response is for all who value civil liberties to tell Mr Patterson loudly and with one voice – Free Marian Price now.

Story posted on behalf of : Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh




Designed and owned by : Derry Doire

An excellent poster – now let us all share it around the globe. Lota Continua – 1972-2012. The pic was taken @ St. Mary’s Church, Creggan, on the morning of the funerals of the victims of Bloody Sunday massacre of Jan. 30th 1972. The demo was called by NICRA to protest against torture and internment without charge or trial.

Written by and posted on behalf of : Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh


N.B Civil Rights Vets: From Alice Fleming’s ‘s FB Page:

Tony Taylor’s mum and sister were up seeing him in Maghaberry today and were shocked at his appearance. They were unaware that he was on the boards. Tony has problems which he incurred over 16 years ago and he has pieces of shrapnel in his body which causes internal bleeding. The screws are using the metal detector on him and then they are …rattling metal in front of it to start the bleeper going t…hus giving them the excuse to keep him in solitary. When is this going to end? We stood on the streets for the the likes of that MLA Raymond McCartney (I never missed a protest throuhout 1976 until the end of 1981)) Where or what is his stance on this behavior by the british establishment. Why are they not lobbying the debuy first minister master mcguiness? Is he not interested to what is happening to a fellow republican? Of course they are turning a blind eye to what is happening to a very innocent lady – Marian Price incarcerated in the same hellhole for nothing, but to hold a piece of paper; and they are intent on sentencing Colin Duffy, another innocent man to satisfy what??? Do they not know their Irish History? I ask all who read this to support them in this terrible fight for justice.

Posted on behalf of : Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh

The civil rights veterans network was informed a few weeks ago that only 2 or 3 families were in favour of the MARCH FOR JUSTICE in Derry on Sun. Jan. 29th 2012, and therefore that we should respect the wishes of the ‘majority’ who allegedly were opposed to the demo taking place. This week-end, thanks only to a few relatives of those murdered on Bloody Sunday (1972) some nine other members of th…e 13 victims, and several of those wounded, have pledged their solidarity to the March for Justuce organisers. Let me state once again, this is not a civil rights march, although supported by NICRA veterans like myself, but a MARCH FOR JUSTICE primarily organised by the families of those murdered by the 1st paras, and surviving individuals wounded or injured during the original 1972 demo against torture and internment, without charge or trial.
Posted on behalf of : Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh


NEW, 40 TH ANNIVERSARY BLOODY SUNDAY COMMEMORATIVE CD. Additional details via Facebook, or song-writer, Tony O’Doherty’s mobile: 07806882583 Performed by Steadfast. Cover photo by Peter Mckane.

Fionnbarra Ó Dochartaigh E.mail the song-writer directly. Mention my name. Inexpersive, just hopes to recover costs.He’s at No relation. Any probs get back to me via or FB message.




Victim’s brother backs Bloody Sunday march

By Alan Healy,
Deputy Editor, Derry News, 12/12/11

THE brother of a man shot dead by British soldiers on Bloody Sunday has said that the annual march commemorating the massacre should go ahead.

Mickey Mc Kinney was speaking at a public meting held in Pilot’s Row Community Centre on Friday night to discuss the Bloody Sunday ‘March for Justice’, which is set to take place on January 29, 2012, to mark the 40th anniversary of the killings.

The meeting was convened by the Civil Rights Veterans Association to invite public opinion on the march, after most of the families of the 14 people killed and wounded on Bloody Sunday said they would not be taking part in the event.

Speaking at the meeting, Mr. McKinney, whose brother Willie was shot dead by paratroopers in the Bogside on January 30, 1972, said that any decision on the future of the march should lie with the people of Derry, not with the families.

“I don’t think it should be the families’ call-it should be the people of Derry’s call,” he said.

He added that the next anniversary should be marked with a ‘commemorative’ march.

“A dignified march, led by a lone piper, with no political trimmings, to commemorate the innocence of all those shot on Bloody Sunday,” he said.

“I think the march should go on for another 100 years if it needs to.”

Referring to comments made on Friday on Radio Foyle by a relative of one of the Bloody Sunday victims opposed to the 40th anniversary march, Mr. McKinney said: “I’m here, and I’m not giving the fingers to any of the families.

“I’m a taxi man – for my sins – and for the past year all I’m hearing from people is ‘what’s happening Mickey?”.

“The public needs to be asked here.”

Linda Nash, whose brother Willie was shit dead on Bloody Sunday, said that the ‘March for Justice’ would be an ‘all inclusive’ event, adding that they had made the decision to hold the 40th anniversary march before the publication of the Saville Report on June 15 last year.

She also thanked Vincent Coyle of the Civil Rights Veterans Association for the group’s support.

Ivan Cooper, a prominent figure within the civil rights movement and a founder member of the SDLP, was present at the meeting.

It was decided that another meeting will be held at Pilot’s Row Community Centre on January 6 to take forward the plans for the march.

Photo 1: Pictured are some of the wounded and relatives of some of those who died on Bloody Sunday at the announcement of the 40th anniversary ‘March for Justice’. From left are Mickey Bridge, Damien Donaghy, Kate Nash, Ivan Cooper, Linda Nash, Helen Deery, Tony Deery, Alex Wray, Emmett Donaghy, Michael Donnelly, Liam Wray and Fionnbarra O’Dochartaigh.

Photo 2: Pictured on the panel of the 40th anniversary meeting are from left, Kate Nash, Linda Nash, Fionnbarra O’Dochartaigh and Ivan Cooper.


Lots of e-mails to – civil rights network- complaining that one particular ‘Nationalist’ newspaper group, in spite of a few press releases being sent & their photographer being present @ Pilot’s Row on Friday evening last, seem to ‘deliberately totally ignore’ the proposed ‘March for Justice’ activities, over recent weeks. Several go so far as to accuse this newspaper g……roup of ”being in the back pocket” of certain political elements opposed to marking the 40th anniversary of the anti-torture & internment march held on Jan. 30th 1972, now globally referred to as ‘Bloody Sunday’. In my humble opinion, calling for a boycott of this newspaper group, at this stage @ least, is a bit over the top. What do you think?????
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