Panorama, SAS Death Squads Exposed: A British War Crime?: via @bbciplayer


Full 118 page verdict of the Coroner in the Kathleen Thompson inquest – Madden & Finucane Solicitors Belfast

Abysmal attempt by NIO to conceal murder of Irish children

Letters: The Irish News 17/05/2019

Julie Livingston (14), murdered by the British Army, May 12, 1981.

One of the most bitter and divisive issues that keeps the political and sectarian pot boiling here in the six counties was highlighted in an article The Irish News (April 19).

The Pat Finucane Centre describes how two children were killed in Belfast and Derry.

Julie Livingstone (14) hit by a plastic bullet fired from a British army vehicle (May 12, 1981) on Stewartstown Road, Belfast and Paul Whitters (15), struck by another plastic bullet fired by the RUC in Derry (April 25,1981).

Paul Whitters (15), murdered by the RUC, April 25th, 1981

The emotional fabric of many families has been ripped apart when they have lost loved ones and close family members to the violence inspired by British involvement in Ireland.

The British government and their conduit the NIO, have closed the national archives file on Julie Livingstone for a further 45 years, another 40 years being added to Paul Whitters’s file.

They have extended the general file on plastic bullets also by 40 years until 2071.

What are the real reasons for doing this?

The hope for resolution that these families might have had is destroyed by these decisions.

However, this callously crass and pathetic approach at preventing closure for the families by the British should be challenged.

Representatives of the government crow on a daily basis for the return of a fully functioning assembly at Stormont.

No political assembly on these islands, gathered in the name of democracy, should act in the way the British government has acted in their abysmal attempts at concealing the murder of Irish children on the streets of Belfast and Derry.

Many political commentators have questioned the astuteness of different secretaries of state over the years and their ability to understand the dynamic of why Britain attempted, historically, to colonise and subjugate Ireland and how those attempts played out on the lives of Irish people.

Do they not realise that sitting in a Belfast or Derry house where children have been killed with plastic bullets is every bit as anguished and vexed for family and loved ones as sitting in a house in an English City where bombs have killed innocent people.

Should the killing of children by plastic baton rounds have happened in Finchley would files on the killings have been closed for 40 years?

Closing these files because of ‘health and safety’ reasons and ‘personal information’ demonstrates the absolute and utter contempt the British security force apparatus along with the NIO have for the deceased’s families and the Irish people.

Derry City

When it comes too making comments about what we as a family would like to happen to the soldier that who so unmercifully took the life of our beautiful sister Margaret, I only speak for our family.

Margret Gargan 13-years-old shot in the head, murdered by the British Army, 9th July 1972

Our aim as a family is to have the inquest decision overturned as the original open verdict was so traumatic to our parents to hear their little girl described as a gunman in the soldiers statement which was obviously vetted by the M.O.D.

We are not interested in prosecuting this soldier as he could be deceased , be senile or any other serious illness. The real people responsible are the British government and M.O.D who allowed their soldiers to slaughter innocent men ,women and children to commit earlier atrocities Ballymurpy, Bloody Sunday if their soldiers had been brought to justice for these early atrocities the slaughter in Westrock,Springhill might never have happened.

With many thanks to: Harry Gargan, SPRINGHILL/westrock Justice Group


Helen Deery I dont care who said what or when the MoFD does NOT have permission to display my brother Manus Deery in any way,shape,or form please have the good grace to take his image out.

This is the picture which Helen Deery wants to be removed

Barney Stinson
Barney Stinson You legally don’t have image rights over your brother. And if you did it isn’ta thing of ‘backsies’ as waines say.

This is the British Army soldier who who was shot dead by an IRA sniper during the Derry clashes.

Helen Deery
Helen Deery Are you for real, here you can see the blatant abuse of my wee brother for monetary gain iv already said they don’t have permission from any member of my Family to portray his image in any way we find it not only hurtful but immoral to align him with the very same regiment that murdered him, its my strong opinion they are in breach of article 8 of the human rights act ” a right to family life ” but what astounds me more is the many sf people commenting on my families decision, how dare yous when yous never once supported us in our campaign to clear his name , in fact at the 39 anniversary of Bloody Sunday March ,when i tried to put his banner behind the Ballymurphy families Martina Anderson ( surrounded by SF ) to me to move to the back of the Bloody Sunday March thats how much they thought of Him , shame on them damned shame

The British soldier who murdered Manus Deery.

Helen Deery
Helen Deery By the way whats Backsies mean, iv never heard of it.

Helen Deery

Rhonda Lynn Murray
Rhonda Lynn Murray Anyone’s pants on fire over there?

Maureen Kilroy
Maureen Kilroy Why don’t you publish them in their entirety

Micky Rigney
Micky Rigney He should have been a jockey he rides that many populace horses.
I wonder what People before profits voters in Irish St. Will make of their protest at the Museum.
Then again like their principles them voters are a fantasy

The fifth anniversary of the introduction of internment on 9th August 1971 was marked with disturbances and the hijacking and burning of vehicles. This picture was taken on the Falls Road, Belfast, N Ireland. 197608090356b
Copyright Image from Victor Patterson, 54 Dorchester Park, Belfast, United Kingdom, UK.
For my Terms and Conditions of Use go to

Raymond McCartney
Raymond McCartney By your standards shall you be judged. Eamonn McCann stated that untruths should be retracted, over to you Eamonn.

Patrick Fahy
Patrick Fahy You need to have a good memory if you’re telling lies about the past!

British soldiers fire rubber bullets at rioters in the Lenadoon Avenue area, of Belfast, N Ireland, UK, during widespread disturbances which followed the introduction of internment without trial. 197108000387b.
Copyright Image from Victor Patterson, 54 Dorchester Park, Belfast, UK, BT9 6RJ
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· 1 · 14 hrstle the Museum of Free Derry think of my brother Manus

With many thanks to: Helen Deery.

101 years ago on this day 28th April 1916 – The North King Street massacre.

Easter 1916: British soldiers murdered Dublin families in their homes and buried them in their yard.

AS THE dust settled over Dublin City and the Volunteers who had made a heroic stand at Reilly’s Fort were ordered to surrender – a gruesome discovery was made in the basement of the licensed premises at 177 North King Street.

A young boy named George Fitzgerald was working as a porter in the cellar of the bar washing bottles when he got a “heavy smell” as Guinness workers were removing barrels. He noticed blood on the barrels which splashed onto his shoes. 
They spotted that the floor of the cellar had recently been dug up and after removing some clay they found the bodies of the missing foreman Patrick Bealen and Jameson Distillery worker James Healy. This grim discovery was only the beginning.
Twelve more civilians had been brutally murdered by British soldiers in the area of North King Street. Another man was also killed on nearby Little Britain Street.
In the North King Street area, British troops faced ferocious resistance from the Irish Volunteers’ Four Courts garrison. 
Suffering heavy casualties, the British were forced to use armoured cars made of flatbed lorries seized from Guinness Brewery with smokeboxes bolted on the back to move around the area. 
They often backed the cars up to the doors of houses before breaking their way into the homes. In one incident, a British soldier attempting to club in a door with the butt of his rifle killed his comrade when the weapon discharged.
British General Lowe had issued an order that no attempt was to be made to take prisoners in the area as they had ‘placed themselves outside the law’. British soldiers took this as confirmation that they could execute anyone they suspected of being a rebel.
Commandant Paddy Holohan of Fianna Éireann, who was based in the Four Courts area, described the scene as the British troops arrived:
“An armoured car appeared again, and its fifteen occupants jumped out and proceeded to fire into every house along North King Street, the few occupants lying face down whilst the bullets pounded the walls over them… The attacking British clambered to the rooftops, and from this vantage rained down bombs on the street until the answering bullets dislodged them.”
The British then began to break down the doors of homes and bore through the walls towards the rebels positions. 
In one incident a British officer “lost his head” according to the rebels and ordered a charge up the street against the entrenched rebel positions. The charge was cut down, leaving eight British soldiers dead.
After the British soldiers broke down the door of number 177 they rounded up the family hiding in the basement and placed them under guard. Patrick Bealen even chatted with the soldiers and made them tea before he was brought down to the cellar and shot in the back.
Civilians in the area said that between 6pm on 28 April and the following morning, British soldiers had carried out a house-to-house massacre of men and boys. There was outrage across Ireland when newspapers published accounts of the atrocities. Dublin Corporation voted by a margin of 22 to 1 for an inquiry into the incident.
The Freeman’s Journal spoke for many when it wrote:
“If an unarmed man is found in the exact place where he ought to be in such a time of turmoil, that is in his own home, his death at the hands of the military needs the most complete justification. When a man determines on Civil War he does not usually choose his own fireside as the scene of combat. If he is found there unarmed, the presumption is altogether in favour of his innocence. Even should his roof have been made the roost of a sniper it is no proof of the householder’s guilt. Had the military acted upon any other principle in Merrion Street, Northumberland Road and round Merrion Square those fashionable districts would have been decimated. There can hardly be one code for North King Street and another for Merrion Square.”
The Kerryman newspaper, reporting on the discussion at Dublin City Hall where Alderman Laurence O’Neill spoke of the appalling massacre, said:
“As one who lived in the vicinity of North King Street, and was personally known to some of the poor people who were killed, and as one who saw poor people shot down like dogs before his eyes, he should say that he could never forget the sights that he witnessed. He should never forget a poor young boy stark and stiff in a corner. He could almost hear the plaintive wail from him: ‘Oh good Lord, is there no one to save me’.”
Lieutenant Colonel Henry Taylor of the Staffordshire Regiment dismissed the numerous witnesses who claimed the soldiers had engaged in wholesale slaughter in North King Street. Telling the inquest:
“No persons were attacked by the troops other than those who were assisting the rebels, and found with arms in their possession”.
He went on to justify the murder of Healy and Bealan by claiming his troops had been under fire from “practically every house in the portion of King Street and other buildings overlooking it” and singling out their house:
“The premises number 177 North King Street were indicated to me as one of the houses from which the troops had been repeatedly fired upon.”
Defending the actions of the soldiers, General Maxwell said:
“No doubt in the districts where fighting was fiercest, parties of men under the great provocation of being shot at from rear and front, seeing their comrades fall from the fire of snipers, burst into suspected houses and killed such male members as were found. It is perfectly possible that some were innocent but they could have left their houses if they so wished and the number of such incidents that have been brought to notice is happily few. Under the circumstance the troops as a whole behaved with the greatest restraint”
Speaking in the House of Commons in July 1916, Irish Parliamentary Party MP for College Green, John Dillon Nugent – a nationalist and long-time critic of Irish republicans – contrasted the treatment of civilians in the Four Courts area by the British with that of British personnel captured by Irish forces:
“The Home Secretary, too, should know that the Metropolitan Police that were taken prisoners in the Four Courts were properly treated by the Sinn Féiners. They were actually guarded lest any attack might be made upon them by anyone until they were released and handed over to the War Office.”
Speaking of the rampage in North King Street, he said:
“Once the military come into possession of a particular street they do not satisfy themselves with trying to get into the houses. I was able to send to the Prime Minister a letter indicating that at one of the most respectable business houses in the street the military knocked at the door, and before there was time to open the door they fired through it and shot a young girl of eighteen who was in the hospital till about two weeks ago. This was at the corner of North King Street and Smithfield. There was no shooting at that particular point. This young girl, Cullen, is ruined for life.”
He also denounced claims that those responsible had ‘seen red’ and were not acting under orders:
“He [Dr Louis Byrne, Dublin City Coroner] had seen one back yard where three men had been buried for three days and then removed – buried in this yard manifestly with the object of concealing them. He saw another place where a poor boy had been shot in a small back room. He saw the boy’s mother who thought him asleep and when she went to rouse him, found him shot. He had been put up against a wall near the window and shot from the door, and it was impossible he had been shot through the window.”
No British soldiers were ever charged with the murders on North King Street 
The Victims:
Number 27: Peter Lawless (21), James McCarthy (36), James Finnigan (40) and Patrick Hoey (25) murdered by soldiers at the Louth Dairy building and buried in the back garden
Number 91: Edward Dunne (39) found murdered in his home
Number 170: Thomas Hickey (38), Peter Connolly (39) and Christopher Hickey (16) were killed by British soldiers using bayonets and then buried in the yard
Number 172: Michael Hughes (50) and John Walsh (34) – shot dead in front of Ellen Walsh
Number 174: George Ennis (51) and Michael Noonan (34) – murdered by British soldiers
Number 177: Patrick Bealen (30) and James Healy (44) – murdered by British soldiers and buried in the cellar
Coleraine Street: John Beirnes (50) shot dead by a British sniper firing from a window
    Little Britain Street: James Moore was shot dead

With many thanks to: Easter Rising War of Independence and Irish Civil war History. 



Please excuse the graphic nature of this post,Westminster is trying to push for a statute of limitations providing immunity for war crimes in Ireland ending the “witch hunt” by those of us seeking justice,to say our family has been to hell and back is an understatement as justice has been denied us due to national security,”it’s not in the publics interest to know”,”sensitive material”,corrupt historical enquiries team blocking release under the freedom of information act,while murder by the state,rules of engagement,article2 of the human right to life and a petition to Westminster seeking truth have been rejected due to the slanderous libelous nature of my quest for truth,Strasbourg and Brussels commission on human rights have asked England for truth recovery and parliament refuses to acknowledge any wrongdoing and refuse to answer to calls for transparency,I ask the help of the brotherhood to share this violation of what I consider a war crime and an insult to humanity on behalf of my mother,oglach Maura Meehan,30,and her sister Dorothy Maguire,19,unarmed cumann na mban,executed by greenjackets regiment,while not on active service,but took the initiative to protest dawn raids on the lower falls on the 23rd of October,1971,there can never be a statute of limitations for state approved executions during occupation,it’s international law and needs attention or mistakes of the past are easily forgotten

With Many thanks to: Gerard Meehan – The Irish Brotherhood.

Submission to the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, Nils Muižniks, concerning the shooting dead of sisters Dorothy Maguire & Maura Meehan by British Soldiers, October 23rd 1971, West Belfast.

A follow-up to a previous story concerning the murder of Maura Meehan and her sister who were murdered by the British Army: 

With many thanks to: Geard Meehan, Meehan and Maguire family’s,

Remembering with pride & honor Mara Meehan and Dorothy two sisters, executed by the so-called (brave British army) then the Brits laied to cover their backs (cowdly British Bastards) #JusticeForTheSisters.

A few pictures of a few memories shared in Ireland and New York, the first is from Patti and myself added to the friends of Irish freedom collection of republican memorabilia, the ballymurphy memorial wall with an Honour to the hunger strikers and unveiled by my childhood friend and blanketmen Ginger mccoubrey,I tagged Peter Kavanagh rip for the same reason as he was both a friend and blanketmen himself, crip mcwilliams passed on before I could friend him but also a dear childhood friend and cellmate in the crum as was jonjo oreillly,next is the two pictures of Maura and Dorothy placed at the antriom memorial plot where both lie,with two Easter lilies placed in my name by my sister Margaret Kennedy who humbled me by this kind gesture,all credit is hers and paid back by two tears rolling down my cheek I take as a sign from heaven,last but not least is the program from the event I attended where Cathleen O’Brien introduced the dais invited guests then added details to a packed house in Gaelic park stadium in the Bronx highlighting details of this travesty of justice,the day ended by a preist who introduced himself and gave me his card,he will be attending an ancient order of Hibernians and wishes to mention this case and hopefully share nationwide throughout the states,I might sign up to stay aware of any local events that could possibly demand truth recovery for the Meehan and Maguire combined family and friends walking a similar path.

With many thanks to: Geard Meehan – Friends of Mara & Dorothy.

‘The Che Guevara of the IRA’

 The Legend of ‘Big Joe’ McCann 
2 November 1947 – 15 April 1972
If, before the death of Bobby Sands in 1981, there was a name most likely to survive in the popular memory of ‘the Troubles’—to join the ranks of Kevin Barry and Seán South—it was ‘Big Joe’ McCann. There were a number of reasons. First, the local legend that flourished after he was gunned down on the streets of Belfast grew out of the reputation he achieved in life. McCann, who joined the Republican movement as a teenager in 1963, was known both for his physical bravado and for his quick intelligence. Stories circulated of his exploits during the set-piece Official IRA gun-battles during the Falls Road curfew in July 1970 and at Inglis’s bakery in the Markets district of south Belfast in August the following year. Staff captain of the 2nd Battalion of the Belfast Brigade and ‘on the run’, the 24-year-old McCann was reputedly the most wanted man in the North when he was killed by British Paratroopers on 15 April 1972. The tributes paid to him by his comrades at the time—‘a born leader’ according to The United Irishman—were to be expected. More revealing are the recollections, decades later, of two Dublin journalists of the deep impression that ‘Big Joe’ made upon each of them. Kevin Myers writes of his good looks, charisma, innate wisdom, gravitas and ‘curiously ironic and knowing sense of humour’. Pádraig Yeates remembers ‘an incredible character, the only genuine hero I ever met out of the Northern troubles’.
Then there is the manner of his killing. As he ran away from a foot patrol after being fingered by a Special Branch officer, pursuing Paratroopers opened fire. Initial reports claimed that McCann was shot repeatedly while lying wounded on the pavement. The shooting was followed by three days and nights of widespread rioting in which three British soldiers were killed—one in Belfast, two in Derry. Armed and uniformed Official IRA men patrolled the Turf Lodge housing estate. From prison the UVF leader, Gusty Spence, wrote a letter of condolence to McCann’s widow: ‘He was a soldier of the Republic and I a Volunteer of Ulster and we made no apology for what we are . . . Joe once did a good turn indirectly and I never forgot him for his humanity’.
The full-scale military-style funeral was the largest seen in Belfast to that date. Led by a lone piper and McCann’s Irish wolfhound, over 200 women carried wreaths and over 2,000 men marched behind. Up to 20,000 people lined the route. Well-known politicians such as Paddy Devlin, Paddy O’Hanlon and Bernadette Devlin attended. Official IRA chief-of-staff Cathal Goulding delivered the graveside oration. The British prime minister, Edward Heath, wanted to know why arrests had not been made, while the secretary of state for Northern Ireland, William Whitelaw, conceded that killing McCann had made ‘a martyr of him’. Time magazine thought so too, and speculated that the shooting and the consequent street violence had scuppered all hope of Catholics accommodating themselves to the new direct rule, Stormont-less, regime.
But there had been (and would be) numerous republicans shot by the security forces in controversial circumstances. Plenty of others have, like McCann, been commemorated in ballads. And since the 1790s large, stage-managed funerals-as-political-demonstrations have been a staple of republican mobilisation. The crucial reason for McCann’s posthumous local fame is a photograph (in fact two photographs shot in rapid succession by Ciaran Donnelly). In the early hours of 9 August 1971, British troops swept through nationalist areas of the North rounding up republican suspects for internment without trial, and touching off some of the worst violence of the Troubles. On 10 August a group of six Official IRA volunteers, led by McCann, took over Inglis’s Eliza Street bakery in the Official stronghold of the Markets, and in a fierce firefight pinned down a large contingent of British soldiers. During the exchange a photographer captured the profile of McCann in silhouette, hunkered down, an M1 carbine resting on his knee, a Starry Plough flag fluttering above him and a truck-barricade blazing before him.
It is an image so dramatic and so visually striking that it seems almost composed. The print media snapped it up. It first appeared in the Daily Mirror and later received much wider, transatlantic, circulation in a photo-spread in Life Magazine (it did not, however, as has been claimed, feature on the cover). Life’s commentary certainly burnished the legend:
‘At right, crouched beneath the Irish Republican tricolor, a professional IRA terrorist who goes by the name of Joe awaits a counterattack by British infantry during the battle of Eliza Street. “Joe was a tall, thin man who moved only in leaps and crouches”, reports Life correspondent Jordan Bonfante, who with photographer Terence Spencer covered the fighting last week. “He was an absolute hero to his men, mostly neighborhood irregulars, and as he directed them with grunts and waves of the American semi-automatic carbine he carried in one hand he looked as though all Ireland were at stake on Eliza Street.” For twelve hours before being surrounded and broken up, Joe and his men had effective control of the whole downtown market area in east Belfast.’
The September issue of The United Irishman displayed the picture on its front page, headlined ‘Army of the People’. The Provisionals’ An Phoblacht also ran it. Weeks after his death The United Irishman referred to ‘the now world-famous picture of Joe McCann’, which ‘far more than words epitomised the courage of the man’. A poster based on the picture proclaimed ‘Joe McCann, Soldier of the People’.

With many thanks to: James Connolly.

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