Boris Johnson: If a hard border is reintroduced, 95% plus of goods could pass the border without checks

British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson.

Boris Johnson has said the Government should focus on stopping the Irish border becoming “significantly” harder after Brexit and suggested that crossings of the frontier could be monitored by technology like travel between London boroughs.

The Foreign Secretary said “there’s no border between Camden and Westminster” as he suggested that goods crossing between the Republic and Northern Ireland could be subject to electronic checks, in an apparent reference to the congestion charge.

Further details of his thinking on the issue are contained in a leaked letter to the Prime Minister in which he suggests “it is wrong to see the task as maintaining ‘no border”‘ but instead the aim was to stop the frontier becoming “significantly harder”.

The letter, obtained by Sky News, suggested that “even if a hard border is reintroduced, we would expect to see 95% + of goods pass the border (without) checks”.

The document from the Foreign Secretary, entitled “The Northern Ireland/Ireland border – the Facilitated Solution”, accompanies a “concept note” that “draws on Foreign Office expertise”.

The leak comes a day ahead of the publication of the European Commission’s draft text for the withdrawal deal.

This will include procedures for putting into operation the “alignment” of Northern Irish regulations with the EU rulebook, which will be needed if no technological solution is found to keep the border with the Republic open after Brexit.

Whitehall sources insisted that there was agreement the task was not about “no border” but “it’s about no hard border”.

Mr Johnson’s comparison of the the Irish border to north London was dismissed as “willful recklessness” and “unbelievable” by Labour MPs.

Mr Johnson also said that the CBI business lobby group and Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn were “wrong” to back a customs union with Brussels, as it would leave Britain a “colony” of the EU in a situation that would be the “worst of all worlds”.

Mr Corbyn’s initiative has set the scene for possible defeat for Theresa May at the hands of Tory rebels and Labour in an upcoming Commons vote on the Trade Bill.

But Mr Johnson told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme: “You can’t suck and blow at once, as they say, we’re going to have to come out of the customs union in order to be able to do free trade deals.”

And with the EU set to publish a legal document containing commitments to avoid a hard Irish frontier on Wednesday, Mr Johnson dismissed the suggestion that leaving the tariff-free customs union would see the erection of border posts on the island.

“There’s no border between Camden and Westminster, but when I was mayor of London we anaesthetically and invisibly took hundreds of millions of pounds from the accounts of people travelling between those two boroughs without any need for border checks whatever,” he told Today.

“It’s a very relevant comparison because there’s all sorts of scope for pre-booking, electronic checks, all sorts of things that you can do to obviate the need for a hard border to allow us to come out of the customs union, take back control of our trade policy and do trade deals.”

Responding, Labour anti-Brexit MP David Lammy tweeted “God help us all this isn’t just stupidity and ignorance but wilful recklessness”, while Paul Blomfield said it was “unbelievable”.

Mr Johnson’s border comments were mocked by Tottenham Labour MP Mr Lammy, who said on Twitter: “When I was a young boy we were told to stay away from the Troubles on the Caledonian Rd & marching bands in Regent’s Park. The Chalk Farm Peace Agreement has brought peace in our time. People can get the tube from Camden Town to Finsbury Park without being searched at the border.”

Sheffield Labour MP Mr Blomfield said: “Stumbling, bumbling borisjohnson compares north & south of Ireland with Islington & Camden on r4Today while trying to explain his frictionless border without a Customs Union. Unbelievable!”

Meanwhile International Trade Secretary Liam Fox became embroiled in a row with a former top official at his department over the Government’s Brexit plans.

Sir Martin Donnelly said leaving the customs union to strike free trade deals around the world was like “giving up a three-course meal for the promise of a packet of crisps”.

Sir Martin, who left his role as permanent secretary at the Department of International Trade last year, said any divergence from Brussels’ rules would deal a blow to British services which would not be compensated for through deals with nations such as the US.

But Dr Fox, answering questions after a speech in London, said: “It is unsurprising that those who spent a lifetime working within the European Union would see moving away from the European Union as being threatening.”

The International Trade Secretary said the UK could reach agreements with the EU as well as other nations.

“It is not a choice of one or the other. And, in any case, I think the UK Brexit process is, as we have all discovered, a little more complex than a packet of Walkers.”

With many thanks to: The Irish News for the origional story.

IRA manifesto in response to the Free State declaring itself a Republic in 1949


Cumann Sean MacEachaidh


In View of the deliberate attempt to misrepresent the situation arising from the repeal of the external relations Act, the Army Council of Óglaigh na h-Éireann considers it desirable to issue a statement defining clearly the actual position.

By an Act of the British Parliament passed at Westminster in 1920, in the deliberate absence of the entire Irish Representation and through the acceptance of the Articles of Agreement for a Treat, the Irish Republic proclaimed in arms Easter 1916

And ratified in 1919 by the elected representatives of the People of all Ireland – was prevented from functioning, an in its stead two Partition Parliaments were set up to Govern Ireland.

Thus Ireland was Forcibly partitioned by England and has remained Partitioned since. Any attempt to give the Twenty-six County area a new status by representing it as “The Republic of Ireland” does not and cannot alter this fundamental fact.

England still retains direct control over six counties of Irish territory, and maintains within the area an army of occupation.

While that position remains Republicans cannot concede the claim that Ireland’s centuries-old struggle for freedom is ended.

In the circumstances those owing allegiance to the Republic cannot, without sacrifice of their principles, give allegiance to either of the Partition institutions created by Britain, or recognize that the repeal of the External Relations Act is anything better than a political manoeuvre to mislead the Irish People in to the belief that the freedom of Ireland has been achieved.

While any sod of Irish territory remains occupied by the army of a foreign country, it cannot be truthfully stated that the Republic of Ireland has been restored and so it remains the duty of all Republicans to continue their efforts to rid Ireland of the last vestiges of foreign rule.

Issued by the Army Council Óglaigh na h-Éirean January 1949



Supporters of the Irish Republican Army

The present conflict in Ireland is a direct consequence of British colonial interference which has, for centuries, denied the Irish people their right to self-determination.


Ever since the initial invasion in 1169, the British have attempted to assert their authority in Ireland in the face of Irish resistance. For more than a thousand years before the British invasion began, the Irish had an individual and highly developed cultural identity, a progressive legal system and established political structures. To undermine and control the Irish nation, the British had to rely on the classical imperialist tactics of “Divide and Rule” and colonisation.

In the early stages of its colonial conquest of Ireland the British introduced apartheid laws which prohibited social contact, including intermarriage, between the colonists and the Irish. This apartheid legislation failed in its objective, however, because the colonists were few in number and widely dispersed so that they could not long maintain their separateness. More than four centuries after their arrival, the British effectively ruled only a tiny area of Ireland around the present capital city of Dublin, and even this area was subjected to the ever present reality of Irish resistance. Elsewhere the colonists had, as history records, become more Irish than the Irish themselves.

Britain renewed and intensified its efforts to conquer Ireland in the years following the Protestant Reformation. Since the Irish people remained overwhelmingly Catholic, they were regarded as a potential threat by Protestant Britain, especially in the era of religious wars which erupted in 16th and 17th century Europe.

A more effective method of colonisation known as Plantation, was implemented on a systematic basis with large concentrations of British people being ‘planted’ in various parts of Ireland where they received land grants. This policy was applied with particular zeal and efficiency in the northern part of Ireland (Ulster) where Irish resistance to British rule was always strongest. Here, as elsewhere, the native Irish population was dispossessed of its land and forced to flee into mountainous and boggy countryside.

The purpose of the Plantation policy was to pacify Ireland and to stabilise it in the interests of the British Government by establishing an effective garrison. The Planters constituted that garrison and their continued loyalty to Britain was secured on the basis of the social, political and economic privileges which they were given and on the continued ability of the British Government to keep them divided from the native population.

While the Plantation strategy was generally effective in stabilising British control, it was not always so, and Irish resistance continued throughout the 17th century until military defeat, dispossession and a series of Penal Laws combined to stifle opposition to Britain. By the end of the 18th century, when the religious wars were a fading memory and a new spirit of radicalism and Republicanism was spreading, it appeared that Britain’s divide and rule policy in Ireland had come unstuck when a section of the Protestant population (descendants of the Planters) joined with their Catholic neighbours in demanding an Irish Republic. The United Irishmen, as they became known, rose in rebellion in 1798 but this rebellion was brutally suppressed by the British and their native allies.

Those allies included the majority of the Protestant population (many of whom were organised in a sectarian Masonic movement known as the Orange Order) and also an emerging middle-class

which included Catholic business people and the Catholic hierarchy. All of these saw their interests being guaranteed by continued British rule rather than in a separate Irish Republic which was pledged to justice and equality for all its citizens.

In the aftermath of the 1798 rebellion the British decided that their control could only be guaranteed through direct rule from London. An Act of Union was introduced which transferred the limited legislative powers of the colonial ascendancy to the British Parliament where the interests of Ireland and the Irish people were subjected to the demands of and increasingly powerful and ambitious imperialist power.

Throughout the 19th century as the demand for Irish freedom was raised, and even the demand for limited freedom within the British Empire, the British Establishment deliberately fomented sectarian divisions and, when it suited, they gave every encouragement to the Orange Order. The Catholic middle-class which developed throughout this period articulated the demand for limited freedom through constitutional methods but they did not want to break the link with Britain. The republican tradition of militant separatism continued to win support amongst the people of no property but a large part of this support base was obliterated in the Great Famine of the 1840’s and through continued emigration to Britain, the USA and Australia.

There were several armed uprisings throughout the century but even though they followed inn the republican tradition of the United Irishmen they failed to attract the same degree of popular support and were easily suppressed.

With the gradual extension of the franchise it became clear in the late 19th and 20th centuries that the limited independence of “Home Rule” would have to be conceded if the stability which Britain needed in Ireland was to continue. In Ulster, where the descendants of the Planters still constituted a privileged Unionist majority in favour of the union with Britain, a pro-British and sectarian armed force called the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) was formed to resist the democratic demands of the Irish people as a whole. The British refused to move against this force and senior political and military figures encouraged its development.

By the early years of the present century a clear pattern had emerged between the major political forces in Ireland, a pattern which continues to this day, with the limited demands of constitutional nationalism being strenuously opposed by Unionists and qualified by British administrations anxious to ensure that their self-interest was defended. Two events combined to shatter that pattern, for a time at least; first was the outbreak of World War in 1914 which put the issue of Home Rule on the back-burner of British political considerations, and second was the decision by Irish separatist forces including the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army to take advantage of Britain’s involvement in a global conflict and to strike a blow for freedom in the ranks of a combined force called the Irish Republican Army (IRA).

On Easter Monday 1916 the Irish Republic was declared and a Provisional Government established in arms by the IRA. After a week of fighting which was largely confined to Dublin, the superior armed power of the British succeeded in crushing the rebellion.

The subsequent executions of the Republican leaders and the imprisonment of the rank-and-file was resented by ordinary Irish people. Many who had not supported the rebellion changed their

opinions and popular support for Irish separatism grew from a tiny fringe to a mass movement.

Repression breeds resistance and, as the British vainly tried to restore stability by force and the threat of force, a strengthened Republican Movement emerged from interment camps in Britain to be greeted as heroes at home. The resurgent spirit of separatism found its political expression in support for Sinn Fein and its militant vanguard in the ranks of the IRA.

Evidence that Britain would continue to ignore the democratic will of the Irish people was provided by the general election of 1918 which saw Sinn Fein emerge with a massive majority of the

Irish seats, and more than enough to justify the establishment of an Irish Parliament, called Dail Eireann, independent of Britain. Instead of accepting the democratic decision of the electorate, the British tried to suppress Dail Eireann and jailed many of its elected members. Faced with British violence, the IRA fought a guerilla campaign between 1919 and 1921 which eventually forced Britain to the negotiating table.

The outcome of those negotiations had, to some extent, been decided by the British a year earlier with the creation of the Northern Ireland statelet. This statelet was established on the basis of a sectarian headcount which created an artificial majority comprising the privileged Unionist/pro-British population which was concentrated in that area. These were given their own devolved structure of government in return for their continued service as a strategically important British garrison.

The delegation which conducted the negotiations with the British agreed to a set of proposals contained in a Treaty. These proposals fell far short of the Republic declared in 1916 and established by the popular will of the Irish people in 1918. The Treaty established two states in Ireland, one a neo-colonial Free State still tied politically and economically to Britain but with the trappings of freedom; the other was the colonial Northern Ireland statelet.

Supported by the most reactionary elements of Irish society including the Unionists, the Catholic hierarchy and major commercial interests (none of whom had ever supported the struggle for freedom) the Treaty was forced on the Irish people under threat of “immediate and terrible war”. An emerging Free State Government which had British backing set about crushing

Republican opposition to the deal. Civil war ensued but the Republican forces which had tried desperately to avoid war were quickly defeated by the increasingly well-armed and ruthless army of the Treaty supporters.

Successive Free State governments have, since the creation of their state, claimed that the re-unification of Ireland is their primary political objective. Apart from verbalising on the issue, however, they have done nothing to achieve re-unification. On the contrary Dublin based governments have from the beginning contributed to the growth of partitionist attitudes within their own state by encouraging the development of a Catholic ethos rather than that the non-sectarian pluralism of Irish Republicanism. In this and in the declaration of a nominal Republic in 1949 they have shown that their real aim is to maintain the status-quo. This is confirmed by the efforts of those governments to undermine and defeat Republican campaigns against the Northern Ireland statelet, efforts which have included continuous emergency legislation since 1939, the use of internment and active collaboration with the British authorities including the extradition of Republican activists.

With the guarantee of British support for their position, Northern Unionists set about building their statelet on the basis of political, social and economic privileges for their own artificial majority at the expense of the equally artificial anti-Unionist minority. For nearly 50 years of unbroken Unionist rule from the Stormont parliament outside Belfast, northern Catholics were forced to endure blatant discrimination in the allocation of jobs and houses. In areas of local government administration where anti-Unionists were in an electoral majority, a system of electoral rigging known as Gerrymandering was introduced to turn those majorities into minorities.

A wide range of repressive laws which were the envy of the apartheid regime in South Africa, were enforced by vindictive and puritanical Stormomt administrations while the colonial Government in Britain (whether Conservative or Labour) simply ignored what was happening in the North of Ireland.

In every decade of Stormont rule the IRA launched military campaigns of varying intensity against the Northern state but without success. The absence of a radical political leadership within the anti-Unionist population meant that popular support for a sustained campaign of armed struggle could not be mobilised.

Following the emergence of a Civil Rights Movement for blacks in the USA in the mid-1960s, however, a similar movement grew within anti-Unionist areas of the Northern state. As this movement’s campaign of peaceful street protest gained momentum in the late 1960s, the full force of the state repression was used to crush it. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), a sectarian and paramilitary police force, and its equally sectarian reserve force, the B Specials, were deployed by the Stormont Government to beat Civil Rights’ marchers off the streets.

British troops were sent to Ireland in 1969, ostensibly to act as impartial mediators but in reality to lend support to the battle weary RUC and B Specials and to restore British control. As these troops adopted a progressively pro-Unionist stance it became increasingly clear to a growing number of anti-Unionists that the institutional injustices which had prompted the Civil Rights’ Campaign were merely symptoms of a deeper rooted injustice – the very existence of the Northern Ireland statelet. Many people concluded that peaceful and democratic methods could never radically alter the nature of the state which was established and sustained by violent and anti-democratic methods. For them it became clear that the solution lay in dismantling the state, ending British rule and re-uniting Ireland.

The IRA re-emerged, in a defensive capacity at first, following a series of pogroms which were directed against anti-Unionist areas of Belfast and other urban centres. Confronted by Unionist opposition to even the limited reforms demanded by the Civil Rights’ Movement and faced with violence by the official state forces as well as unofficial pro-British forces, the popular resistance campaign quickly evolved into a revolutionary struggle for self-determination. This revolution, which continues to this day, is fought on many levels, both political, cultural and social, and is spearheaded by the armed struggle of the IRA whose actions are directed against the clearly perceived forces of British rule and against the political and economic forces which sustain that rule.

British policy throughout this revolutionary struggle has been aimed at defeating Irish Republicanism, thereby restoring the stability which is necessary for them to re-assert effective control. Believing that this could be achieved through a strategy of counter-insurgency similar to the strategies employed in other colonies such as Cyprus, Kenya and Malaysia, the British tried to crush revolution by introducing internment and saturating towns and countryside with soldiers.

This ‘mailed fist’ approach failed to defeat the IRA but it did have the effect of ending the mass street demonstrations of the Civil Rights’ Campaign as rubber, plastic and even lead bullets were used to disperse such demonstrations. In the absence of massive street demonstrations it became increasingly difficult to quantify the level of support which the revolution enjoyed. Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican Movement, had no positive electoral role as its activities were mainly confined to protest activities. Without any evidence of demonstrable popular support for Republicanism, a second phase of the British counter-insurgency campaign began. This was based on isolating and criminalising the revolution.

The RUC took over the front line role of the British army to convey the impression that the conflict was merely a political problem. Alongside this, internment and political status were phased out and a specially designed judicial and penal system was introduced to criminalise Republican activists.

The prisoners resisted criminalisation, however, and it was their heroic protest campaign between September 1976 and the Hunger Strikes of 1981 which undermined the British strategy and

mobilised national and international interest in the Irish struggle.

Against all the odds, the IRA survived the black period from the mid to the late 1970s when torture centres and special Diplock Courts were used to rail road people into jail and the media was used to implement the policy of isolating Republicans. A re-organised and increasingly politicised IRA, committed to maintaining the armed struggle as long as necessary, emerged in the 1980s.

Like the IRA, Sinn Fein learned lessons from this period, especially the need to develop an effective political strategy which would complement the armed struggle, counter further attempts to isolate Republicanism and lay the basis for the political, cultural and economic re-conquest of Ireland.

It has been the development of Sinn Fein as an electoral force throughout Ireland (presenting a radical alternative to both the colonial and neo-colonial administrations) and the continued ability of the IRA to challenge the British presence which led to the latest counter-insurgency strategy – the Hillsborough Agreement.

This strategy attempts to undermine the Republican struggle by encouraging the middle class within the anti-Unionist population to accept and support the constitutional status-quo and British repressive measures. In return the anti-Unionists were promised reforms which, it was claimed, would give them equal status in the Northern Ireland statelet.

More than a year after the Hillsborough Agreement was signed the promised reforms had still not been delivered and, far from an improvement, the anti-Unionist population had found that their situation had deteriorated. The British were still clearly unwilling to introduce even minimal reform, in the face of almost unanimous Unionist opposition to an agreement which they regarded as a threat to their privileged position.

To a large extent the Unionist campaign of opposition to the agreement had obscured the fact that the central purpose of the strategy – the defeat of Republicanism – had been totally unsuccessful. Popular support for the Republican position had not been eroded, as intended, because after 17 years of constant struggle and 800 years of similar British strategies, a growing number of Irish people recognise that there can be neither peace nor justice until Britain, the source of violence, injustice and divisions, allows the Irish people, both natives and

colonists, the right to determine their own future as equals in a united and sovereign Ireland.

“The most powerful foe of labour is capitalistic imperialism, and in Great Britain capitalistic imperialism stands or falls by the subjection or liberation of Ireland.” – Erskine Childers

For centuries the people of Ireland have fought for the right to decide their own destiny free from external interference. The history of Ireland has been largely defined by that struggle, as generation has followed generation in a never-ending wave of resistance to British imperialism.

For more than two centuries that resistance has been intrinsically linked to the establishment of an Irish Republic. And for more than a century Irish revolutionaries have understood that that republic must be socialist in nature if it is to deliver not only national but also economic and social freedom.

In the global battle against twenty-first century imperialism the only logical place for Irish progressives to channel their energies is in the building of popular support for Irish democracy and by extension, popular resistance to British rule.

By defeating British imperialism on its own doorstep the people of Ireland could contribute a devastating hammer blow against tyranny in the global struggle for freedom and justice.

The most effective way to oppose British imperialism in Ireland today is through the building a grass-roots anti-imperialist mass movement; the objective of which should be nothing short of a total British military, political and economic withdrawal from Ireland.

“They think they have pacified Ireland. They think that they have purchased half of us and intimidated the other half. They think they have foreseen everything, think that they provided against everything; but the fools, the fools, the fools! – they have left us our Fenian dead, and while Ireland holds these graves, Ireland unfree shall never be at peace”. – Padraig Pearse…



Óglaigh Na HÉireann

Poblacht na h Éireann.

The Provisional Government

of the

Irish Republic

To the people of Ireland.

IRISHMEN AND IRISHWOMEN: In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom.

Having organised and trained her manhood through her secret revolutionary organisation, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and through her open military organisations, the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen Army, having patiently perfected her discipline, having resolutely waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she now seizes that moment, and, supported by her exiled children in America and by gallant allies in Europe, but relying in the first on her own strength, she strikes in full confidence of victory.

We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be extinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people. In every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty: six times during the past three hundred years they have asserted it in arms. Standing on that fundamental right and again asserting it in arms in the face of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign Independent State, and we pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades-in-arms to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and its exaltation among the nations.

The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of every Irishman and Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all the children of the nation equally, and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.

Until our arms have brought the opportune moment for the establishment of a permanent National Government, representative of the whole people of Ireland and elected by the suffrages of all her men and women, the Provisional Government, hereby constituted, will administer the civil and military affairs of the Republic in trust for the people.

We place the cause of the Irish Republic under the protection of the Most High God, Whose blessing we invoke upon our arms, and we pray that no one who serves that cause will dishonour it by cowardice, inhumanity, or rapine. In this supreme hour the Irish nation must, by its valour and discipline and by the readiness of its children to sacrifice themselves for the common good, prove itself worthy of the august destiny to which it is called…

Signed on Behalf of the Provisional Government.

Thomas J. Clarke

Seán Mac Diarmada – Thomas MacDonagh

Pádraig H. Pearse – Éamonn Ceannt



Easter Sunday – 23rd April 1916…

Macneills countermand appeared that morning in the sunday independent. The Military Council met in Liberty Hall to discuss the implications of the countermand. They decided to go ahead with the Rising but to postpone it till the following day, Easter Monday, that gave them enough time to send couriers throughout the land to inform the Irish Volunteers that indeed the Rising was still taking place. On Sunday the Proclamation was printed in Liberty Hall witch was there for the use of the ITGWU. As there was not enough type of the required size to set the entire document, the type setting and the printing was done in two stages witch partly accounts for the different densities of ink on the upper and lower half of the Proclamation.


Easter Monday – 24th April 1916…

Most of those who took part in the Rising assembled at Liberty hall before proceeding from there to their allotted positions around the city, most of witch were occupied by the afternoon. Following the occupation of the GPO Pearse proclaimed the establishment of the Irish republic. As Commandant General of the Dublin Brigade of the Army of the Irish republic, in theory James Connolly directed the military operations of all the positions held in the name of the Irish Republic, in practice, however due to his inability to provide worthwile armaments or reinforcements, the Commandants of the outlying positions generally had to rely on their own devices. In the course of Monday afternoon and evening the british organised a hurried response and engaged most of the positions occupied by the Volunteers. City Hall came under intense attack and the officer in charge Captain Séan Connolly was shot dead. The few remaining members of the garrison surrendered later that night. Commandant Ceant`s position at the South Dublin Union also came under intense pressure but the garrison repulsed the attacks. An outpost set up by Commandant Mallin in J & T Davies ( now Portabello ) public house at the junction of South Richmond Street and Charlemont Street had to be abandoned within a matter of hours in the face of intense fire.


Easter Tuesday – 25th April 1916…

General W.H.M. Lowe was given command of operations in Dublin. Army reinforcements from Belfast, the Curragh, Templemore and Athlone enabled the british to begin the cordoning off of the positions held by the Volunteers. Machine gun fire from the Shelbourne Hotel forced Commandant Mallin to evacuate most of Saint Stephens Green and concentrate his forces in the Royal College of Surgeons. Looting became widespread in the City Centre. That evening the Viceroy, Lord Wimborne proclaimed martial law throughout Dublin City and County.


Easter wednesday – 26th April 1916…

Commandant Ned Daly`s Men in the area of the Four Courts burned the Lenenhall Barracks. At noon Commandant Séan Houston and the Garrison at the Mendicity institution were forced to surrender. The military cordon seperating the Volunteers to the North and South of the river Liffey were extended and strengthened as reinforcements became available. The british gunboat Helga on the Liffey and field guns to the south of the Liffey commenced shelling Liberty Hall and the area around the GPO. army reinforcements from england arrived at kingstown ( now Dun Laoghaire ) but wer held up at Mount Street Bridge ( an outpost of Commandant Eamon de Valera`s position at Bolands Bakery ) on their way into Dublin. The british suffered heavy losses before the few surviving Volunteers were forced to withdraw. General Maxwell was appointed to take command of the forces in Ireland. In the inner City there were great scarcity of essential foodstuffs such as bread and milk.


Easter Thursday – 27th April 1916…

Chief Secretary Birrell arrived in Dublin but had little function as the military were now in control. Artillery pounded the east side of Sackville Street setting Clearys and other buildings on fire. The Helga shelled Commandant de Vallera`s position at Bolands Bakery but its fire was mainly directed at the empty distillery. The british launched a major assault on Commandant Ceannt`s position at the South Dublin Union, while they captured and held some buildings within the Union complex, the engagement resulted in stalemate. While directing operations in Middle Abbey Street, James Connolly was seriously injured in the ankle but continued to direct military opperations. As the military cordon now effectively seperated the remaining Volunteers to the north and South of the river Liffey, Connolly`s lines of communication with most of the outlying positions were severed and there was no longer any form of centralised command structure.


Easter Friday – 28th april 1916…

General Maxwell arrived in Dublin early that morning. Also that morning Pearse issued a statement admitting that the Rising was almost over, but claiming that the Volunteers would win the fight “Aldough they might win it in death”. At Ashbourne, Co. Meath, Commandant Thomas Ashe and the 5th Dublin Bittalion had the greatest success of the Rising when they forced a large contingent of police to surrender. by evening the GPO was on fire, the garrison eveauated to houses in the Moore Street area. The O`Rahilly was mortally wounded while leading a charge to clear the way for the evacuation. That night there was intense fighting in the North King Street area held by Commandant Ned daly`s Men.


Easter Saturday – 29th April 1916…

On Saturday morning the five members of the Provisional Government, who had evacuated from the GPO the previous evening, decided to negotiate a surrender to prevent further loss of life. nurse elizabeth O`Farrell delivered a message from Pearse to the british General who would agree only to unconditional surrender. That afternoon Pearse surrendered unconditionally to general Lowe. connolly, Clarke, macdiarmada and Plunkett and their forces in the Sackville Street area surrendered later that day and were held in the grounds of the Rotunda hospital overnight. Commandant Daly and most of the Men in the Four Courts area also surrendered late on Saturday Evening.


Easter Sunday – 30th April 1916…

News of the surrender was conveyed that still held out, mainly the south Dublin Union, jacobs biscuit factory, the royal College of Surgeons and Bolands bakery, all of witch surrendered reluctantly. The police and military now turned their attention to rounding up those susespected of being directly or indirectly involved in the Rising. A total of approximately 3.500 were arrested throughout the county, of whom about 2.000 were interned.


The Rest is History…

The Struggle for Irelands Freedom Continues, I Sum Up With Some of Our Past Martyrs Speeches That Could`v Been Written With Todays Generation In Mind…

“Our freedom must be had at all hazards. If the men of property will not help us they must fall; We will free ourselves by the aid of that large and respectable class of the community – the men of no property.” – Theobald Wolfe Tone.

“As long as Ireland is unfree the only honourable attitude for Irish men and women to have is an attitude of rebellion.” – Pádraig Pearse.

“The ownership of Ireland, moral and material, is vested of right in the people of Ireland and to “sink all difference of birth property and creed under the common name of Irish people.”

“An Ireland Unfree shall never be at peace…An Ireland not merely free but Gaelic aswell.”

“If you don’t stand for something you will fall for anything.”

“As well might you leave the fairies to plough your land or the idle winds to sow it, as sit down and wait for freedom.” – Thomas Davis.

“Abject tears, and prayers submissive – Have they eyes, and cannot see? Never a country gained her freedom when she sued on bended knee.”

“Yes, ruling by fooling, is a great British art with great Irish fools to practice on.” – James Connolly From The Irish Worker – September 1914.

“You may kill the revolutionary but never the revolution.”

“A TRUE PEACE will come when Ireland is ONE.”


1916 Executions at Kilmainham Prison, Dublin.

13 of the Leaders of 1916 were executed at the spot marked by the Black Cross in the Stonebreakers’ Yard. May they Rest in Peace for the ultimate sacrifice which they made.

Patrick Pearse, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 3rd 1916, RIP.

Thomas Clarke, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 3rd 1916, RIP

Thomas MacDonagh, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 3rd 1916, RIP.

Joseph Plunkett, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 4th 1916, RIP.

Edward Daly Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 4th 1916, RIP.

Michael O’Hanrahan Irish Volunteers, Irish Transvaal Brigade, May 4th 1916, RIP.

William Pearse, Irish Volunteers, May 4th 1916, RIP.

John MacBride, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, Irish Transvaal Brigade, May 5th 1916, RIP.

Con Colbert, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 8th 1916, RIP.

Eamonn Ceannt, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 8th 1916, RIP.

Michael Mallin, 2 I/C Irish Citizen Army, May 8th 1916, RIP.

Seán Heuston, Irish Volunteers, May 8th 1916, RIP.

Seán Mac Diarmada, Irish Republican Brotherhood, Irish Volunteers, May 12th 1916, RIP.

James Connolly, Commander, Irish Citizen Army, was executed at the other end of the Stonebreakers’ Yard he could not walk due to a shattered ankle from a bullet during the Rising. He was tied to a chair and shot by firing squad. May 12th 1916, RIP.

Thomas Kent, Irish Volunteers, was executed by firing squad in Cork on May 9th 1916, RIP.

Roger Casement was hanged at Pentonville Prison London August 3rd 1916, RIP.


Commandant Thomas MacDonagh

Commandant Thomas MacDonagh, army of the Irish Republic, warns Britain that the 1916 Proclamation will never die and that Ireland will continue to resist their occupation using armed struggle until freedom is achieved. 

Taken from his court martial speech before his execution in 1916, this excerpt is read by Dominich Behan.

There is not much left to say. The Proclamation of the Irish Republic has been adduced in evidence against me as one of the Signatories. I adhere to every statement in the Proclamation. You think it already a dead and buried letter, but it lives, it lives. From minds alight with Ireland’s vivid intellect it sprang; in hearts aflame with Ireland’s mighty love it was conceived. Such documents do not die.

The British occupation of Ireland has never for more than one hundred years been compelled to confront in the field of fight a Rising so formidable as that which overwhelming force has for the moment succeeded in quelling. This Rising did not result from accidental circumstances, it came in due recurring season as the necessary outcome of forces that are ever at work. The fierce pulsation of resurgent pride that disclaims servitude may one day cease to throb in the heart of Ireland. but the heart of Ireland will that day be dead. While Ireland lives, the brains and brawn of her manhood will strive to destroy the last vestige of British rule in her territories. In this ceaseless struggle there will be, as there has been and must be, an alternate ebb and flow, but let England make no mistake, the generous high‑bred youth of Ireland will never fail to answer the call we pass on to them, will never fail to blaze forth in the red rave of war to win their country’s freedom; other and tamer methods they will leave to other and tamer men, but they must do or die.

The “Irish Republic” flag was made by Mary Shannon at the headquarters of the Irish Citizen Army in Liberty Hall with the words reputedly painted by Countess Markievicz . Captured by British troops, it was returned to Ireland by the British Government in 1966

This will be the first Easter that i won’t be flying the tricolour from the fron…t of the house. Instead i’ll be flying my Irish Republic flag, it’s pretty old, i’ve had it years and it’s never been flown. It’s a replica of the flag flown from the GPO during the rising when On the 24th of April 1916 the Provisional Government proclaimed “the Irish republic as a sovereign -independent state” and declared “the right of the people of Irelandto the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies”, and with these words the Republic was born.The Proclamation was read out from the steps of the G.P.O in Dublin. Above which was hoisted the “Irish Republic” flag, Britain unleashed its military might to crush the rebellion and destroy the Republic at its inception. The leaders were captured and executed; the British army took down the bullet riddled “Irish Republic” flag and posed with it, holding it upside down in mockery, hailing it as a war trophy.The “Irish Republic” flag was made by Mary Shannon at the headquarters of the Irish Citizen Army in Liberty Hall with the words reputedly painted by Countess Markievicz . Captured by British troops, it was returned to Ireland by the British Government in 1966. It is now on display in the National Museum of Irelandin Dublin. 

Birth of the Irish Republic Français : Naissan...
Birth of the Irish Republic Français : Naissance de la République irlandaise Deutsch: Geburt der irischen Republik (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

On Sunday, 16 April 1916 the green flag of Ireland was solemnly hoisted over Liberty Hall as the symbol of Irish citizen’s faith in freedom, the cause of Ireland, and the cause of Ireland is the cause of a separate and distinct nationality.

It was James Connolly who was to oversee the unfurling again of that flag of the Irish Republic over the GPO as the revolution began on the 24th of April that year. Nineteen days later he was dead, a battle wounded prisoner, already dying from gangrene, murdered by a British firing squad in Kilmainham Gaol.

I’ll be flying it with pride this Easter


Easter – Remember, Reflect, Recommit

For Irish republicans everywhere Easter is a time of commemoration, when those who have died in the struggle for Irish freedom are remembered. It is also a time of reflection when republicans take stock of the contemporary struggle for the creation of an Irish Republic. And finally it is a time of recommitment, when republicans dedicate themselves to another year in pursuit of the ideals for which so many have died over the centuries.

This Easter marks the 96th anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising when hundreds of Irish women and men joined an armed uprising against British rule. In villages, towns and cities across Ireland this anniversary will be marked by hundreds of commemorative events. With wreath laying ceremonies, parades, speeches and song thousands of republicans will come together to remember those who gave their lives that Ireland might be free. This Easter éirígí is organising a number of commemorative events (see below). Join with us and remember Ireland’s martyrs with pride.


Battle of Mount Street Bridge Commemoration, 12noon, Easter Saturday, April 7th. Speaker: Cllr Louise Minihan

Wreath Laying Ceremony, 2pm, Easter Saturday, April 7th, assemble at gates of Bluebell Cemetery, Old Naas Road, Bluebell

Main Easter Commemoration: Easter Sunday, April 8th, assemble at 12.30pm at Phibsboro Shops for March to Glasnevin Cemetery. Speaker: Cllr Louise Minihan


Main Easter Commemoration, Easter Monday, April 9th, assemble at 1pm at gates of Milltown Cemetery for March to Republican Plot. Speaker: Brian Leeson


A number of wreath laying ceremonies, starting at 1pm, Easter Sunday, April 8th, at the Egyptian Arch, Newry

Birr, Co Offaly

Wreath laying ceremony, 12noon, Easter Sunday, April 8th, Manchester Martyrs monument, Birr, Co Offaly

Roscrea, Co Tipperary

Wreath laying ceremony, 10am, Easter Sunday, April 8th, Damer House, Roscrea, Co Tipperary

Arklow, Co Wicklow

Wreath laying Ceremony, 12noon, Easter Saturday, April 7th, Billy Byrne Monument, Arklow, Co Wicklow

POSTED ON BEHALF OF : Stephen Murney on Thursday, 29 March 2012 at 19:29.


Ford visits jail in bid to end row
Press Association – 3 hours ago
Stormont’s Justice Minister is to visit Portlaoise Prison in the Republic as efforts continue to defuse a long-running jail dispute in Northern Ireland.Around 30 dissident republican prisoners in Maghaberry jail in Co Antrimare involved in a so-called no wash or dirty protest against the jail’s regime.Objections to full body searches when leaving or entering the prison have sparked calls for the use of a special hi-tech chair, similar to that used in Portlaoise, to help prison staff to check for contraband without physically searching inmates.David Ford said, however, that prison staff had adhered to agreements at Maghaberry and he doubted if the technology existed to entirely replace searches.

After a meeting of justice ministers from Northern Ireland, the Irish Republic and Scotland at Stormont, Mr Ford revealed he will visit Portlaoise within weeks to examine how it handles top security prisoners.

“As far as I am concerned the prison service is adhering to the agreement that was made with the separated prisoners in August of 2010,” said Mr Ford.

“But there are clear issues around controlled movement which remain to be resolved which cannot be resolved while the difficulties are happening. There are also issues about technology to avoid full body searching. That is an issue that I am concerned we will make progress on for the whole of the Northern Ireland prison service estate.

“And if there are opportunities which develop, that maintain dignity for prisoners and prison staff, and also security for prison and prison staff, then we are willing to implement them.”

Mr Ford said he would explore the possibility of employing new technologies. But the minister added: “At the moment I have no evidence that there is any technology as yet licensed for use within Northern Ireland that would meet all our needs.”

The Republic’s justice minister Alan Shatter said he had full confidence that Mr Ford was dealing with the prison protest appropriately.

With Many Thanks To :  Press Association – 3 hours ago


26 June · 12:00 – 18:00


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POSTED ON BEHALF OF :  Ballina Salmon-festival Mayo

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