WHY would the British ever heed Brian Feeney’s call to Wipe the Slate Clean ( March 27 ) much less risk any honest truth process, when BBritish interests are better served by the present arrangements ? The ‘ unspoken amnesty ‘ which Brian Feeney says veteran republicans were led to expect, has been twisted by the British into a selective one-sided immunity or ‘ impunity ‘ for Crown Forces.
Britain may dole out the occasional hard won apology burt need not arrest uniformed members of the British army or Constabulary (RUC), who carried out or colluded in sanctioned murders, which Cameron terms Unjustifiable Killings. The British have systematically stonewalled the families of collusion murder victims, like that of Pat Finucane among so many others. Some bereaved families will count it a victory to see an inquest, much less see the culprits in the dock. Even Saville stopped at scapegoating the troopers who carried out the orders on Bloody Sunday.
What makes anyone beleive the British would ever risk, much less encourage, any independant truth search which required troopers and constabulary (RUC) members to lead us back up the chain of command and indict those who gave orders or set policies ? On the other hand, quarter-century-old charges can be unearthed to send inconvenient republicans, like Gerry McGeough to Maghaberry, should they dare speak too strongly against such injustices during an election campaign. Britain’s lateset innovation of internment by licence & remand, today practised upon Marian Price and Martin Corey, was devised to threaten others. For example, should Gerry McGeough stand for election to Stormont or a council seat and campaign against British injustice, will constabulary (PSNI/RUC ) members await him at the polls claiming secret evidence to revoke his licence ? Why would they ever cede exclusive control and risk a genuine independent search for truth ? Surely those who negotiated such terms for republicans ( $hame £ein ) did not see this coming. Surely they have a moral duty to do more to undo these twisted terms than sitting still for them at Stormont.
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MI5 director-general Jonathan Evans briefed the Cabinet today on
the terrorist threats facing the UK in the run-up to the London
Olympics.
It is thought to be the first time that Mr Evans has addressed a full meeting of Prime MinisterDavid Cameron‘s top team this Parliament.
But Downing Street officials said it was a “routine” update, and not prompted by any new intelligence or change in the assessment of the terrorism threat level, which remains “substantial”.
Home Secretary Theresa May also addressed colleagues on legislative efforts to confront the terrorist threat, including measures in the recent justice and security Green Paper.
Today’s 40-minute discussion in Cabinet began with a 15-minute briefing from the Security Service chief, which Mr Cameron’s official spokesman characterised as “an overall assessment of the current terrorist threat to the UK”.
The spokesman added: “There was some discussion of the Olympics and preparations in that context.
“It was a broad discussion about terrorism and an assessment of the current threat and a run-through of the various issues that the Government is dealing with on the legislative side, such as the fact that we have replaced control orders with TPIMS (Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures) and the various measures that are being considered in the context of the security and justice Bill.”
The recent spate of killings by a motorbike-riding gunman in south-west France were mentioned but not discussed at any length, said the spokesman.
Mr Evans regularly takes part in meetings of the National Security Council – created by Mr Cameron shortly after the 2010 election to bring together senior ministers, security chiefs and military top brass at 10 Downing Street.
But the PM’s spokesman said: “The Prime Minister is keen that some of those discussions that would generally happen at the NSC are occasionally brought to the full Cabinet, so that those Cabinet ministers who are not members of National Security Council are briefed and get an opportunity to discuss the issues.”
Cabinet met today in the Large Ministerial Conference Room in the Palace of Westminster, rather than Number 10, as ministers had to get away promptly to attend the address by the Queen to both Houses of Parliament.
The meeting was cut short before the scheduled agenda was completed, in order to ensure ministers were at their seats in Westminster Hall in time for Her Majesty’s arrival.
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Case 1:11-mc-91078-WGY Document 37 Filed 12/27/11 Page 1 of 2
Case 1:11-mc-91078-WGY Document 37 Filed 12/27/11 Page 2 of 2
Rory Dubhdara"Peace process" in peril over BC tapes- The Irish Emigrant, Dec. 28th, 2011In April, 1998 the Anglo-Irish conflict ended with the signing of the Belfast Agreement at Hillsborough Castle. Three decades of armed hostilities, which began with Britain’s violent suppression of the Catholic civil rights campaign, came to an end. The difficult work of securing the peace began. Implementing the terms of the Agreement has proven difficult, and fears remain. The fruits of non-violence can be found throughout the North and the collaborative work of First Minister Peter Robinson and Deputy Minister Martin McGuinness is proof of that progress. But can this peace last if built on a lie and not justice? As the result of a recent British request, Attorney General Holder and Secretary of State Clinton have a unique opportunity to insure this progress is sustained.By way of background, there were two key elements leading up to the adoption of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement which are not present today but which, then, brought a halt to British treachery. First, the US envoy, former senator George Mitchell, not only gave added voice to the Irish government but ensured the inclusion of several justice provisions in the treaty. That was then and this is now. Our president’s only reference to Ireland to date was in a 24-hour stop-over visit at the Obama ancestral home on his way to London, and even then there was no reference to the pact.MediaSecond, the attention of the American media in 1998 hindered British attempts at sabotage and smear while talks struggled. After decades of censorship of Sinn Fein and British dirty tricks via tabloids like the News of the World, Americans were for the first time hearing the other side and smelled a rat. Today, understandably, the work of securing the peace attracts less media attention than drone strikes in Afghanistan, bombs in Iraq and the roar of the Arab Spring.That media indifference explains how the latest British efforts to undermine the Irish peace process have received scant attention. In February of this year the British, pursuant to a Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), requested Attorney General Holder issue a sealed subpoena for oral history records held in the Burns Library of Boston College. The College is opposing the subpoena because to respond would violate the promise to loyalist and republican donors to not reveal contents until their deaths.It is now apparent that this request was little more than a politically motivated attempt to smear Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein and a member of the Irish Dail. Such ham-fisted tactics certainly cast doubts upon the credibility of the British and their commitment to peace, but is it a game changer? Is it enough to destabilize the peace process? It could well be.JusticeIn recent years there have been other distressing signs that the fruits of justice, the very foundation of peace, are proving elusive. The treaty’s promises of justice and truth are being undermined in subtle and sinister ways.Consider these related developments:In June, 2010 British Prime Minister Cameron ends 40 years of lying about 13 Catholics killed on Bloody Sunday. However, no one is held accountable. Not Chief Justice Lord Widgery, the author of the whitewash report in 1972. Not Lt. Col Derek Wilford, who still wears his Order of the British Empire awarded by the Queen for his “service” on that day. The media proclaimed a new day had dawned, but no one asked why they stopped lying.Here’s why:The murder of 13 in Derry was the “known” part of proceedings. Not so well publicized are the events of May, 1974 in which no-warning bombs in Dublin and Monaghan shopping centers killed 33 civilians. Cameron has refused to respond to the 2008 unanimous Declaration of the Irish Dail seeking an explanation of the British Army’s role in these bombings. Without media scrutiny or US questioning or concern, the British government feels under no obligation to explain its involvement in Ireland’s equivalent of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. It is still the largest single loss of life on Irish soil since the 1916 Easter Rebellion.Al Hutchinson, the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, has been forced to resign early due to allegations that he slowed the pace of investigations and that draft reports detailing the role played by police corruption were edited on his watch. The RUC/PSNI have been hiring back retirees to work on the very cases under question and have suspended a program to recruit more Catholics as required by the Patten Report. The “justice” system there is rife with such horrors which underscore British deceit.Police Ombudsman's Office Belfast
Collusion
Police Ombudman's Office Belfast
In October, Prime Minister Cameron acknowledged that security forces colluded with loyalist death squads in the killing of attorney Patrick Finucane. But he rejected the long- promised independent public inquiry into the defense lawyer’s assassination. He instead “pulled a Widgery,” opting for a private review of documents by a respected solicitor. The government would rather cover up the facts and truth of the murder, than risk any more exposure of its “dirty war” in Ireland.
Bret Stephens of the Wall Street Journal insists that “credibility is the coin of the realm in international relations.” Britain’s actions in the “long grass,” away from a probing media or US demand for accountability, are threatening the Irish peace process. The bona fides of the US come into question, if its presumed “ally” seeks to undermine a pact it worked so hard to achieve. Holder can, before it is too late, restore American credibility in the peace process if he declines to turn over any documents requested by the British until they address these justice issues.
Sincerely,
Michael J. Cummings,
Member, National Board, Irish American Unity Conference.
[Gerry Adams is seen here in the early 1970s with Brendan Hughes, who contributed to Boston College’s Belfast Project before his passing in 2008.]
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