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RSF supports Gabriel Mackle in his defence of his Republican identity.

Statement by the President of Republican Sinn Féin Des Dalton
28ú Márta/March

Republican Sinn Féin salutes Gabriel Mackle on his courageous defence of his distinct identity and autonomy as an Irish Republican POW within the Maghaberry prison. Irish Republican POWs have historically had to run the gauntlet of British and 26-County state attempts to criminalise them and deny them their identity, shamefully on this occasion this latest injustice comes at the hands of those purporting to be fellow Irish Republicans. To compound the injustice is the fact that it was the CABHAIR supported prisoners who won the right of Republican prisoners to have their separate identity accepted by the prison regime. The CABHAIR supported prisoners led the dirty protests which resulted in the August 2010 Agreement.
This attempt to deny Gabriel Mackle his own political identity and autonomy brings only shame to those who have a hand in it. By cloaking their actions in the name of Republicanism they sully that noble banner. A statement issued under the name of “Republican Prisoners, Roe 4” in Maghaberry prison by the group styling itself Saoradh is quite simply a tissue of lies and calculated smear, designed to hide what is really happening here.

In an attempt to smear Gabriel Mackle the statement cites his previous membership of the British Army’s Royal Irish Regiment. This is a matter of public record. Irish Republican history is littered with instances of Irish patriots who having served in the British Army subsequently gave honourable and heroic service to the cause of Irish freedom, James Connolly, Michael Mallin and Tom Barry are notable examples.

This statement cannot disguise the reality of what is going on in Maghaberry. Gabriel Mackle’s right, a right inherent to all Republican POWs, to maintain his own political identity is being attacked. Historically this right has always been respected by Republican prisoners regardless of organisation. However, this latest move to deny Gabriel Mackle this right echoes the actions of the Provisionals who in 1986 forced Republican prisoners who refused to renounce their Republican principles and abandon their allegiance to the All-Ireland Republic off prison landings.

Today it seems similar tactics are being employed by a grouping that it seems will not tolerate any alternative views. When these people speak of unity we now can see what they really mean. They are simply Provo – lite, aping the tactics and mindset of the Provisionals. They will be no more successful in their attempts to intimidate faithful Irish Republicans than the reformist Provos were before them.
We will not be intimidated or deflected from our work. Over the decades we have seen many such groupings styling themselves as Republican come and go. Republican Sinn Féin and the Republican Movement long predate them and will long outlast them. This year we mark 100 years since the historic 1917 Ard Fheis at which Sinn Féin adopted a Republican constitution. We are proud of our history of unbroken continuity of principle and organisation. Over the course of that century faithful Irish Republicans have defended that constitution from those who have attempted to subvert it, in 1921, 1926, 1946, 1969/70 and 1986. We will remain steadfast in our allegiance to the All-Ireland Republic of Easter and determined in our pursuit of our Republican goals. Once more we salute Gabriel Mackle and pledge him our continued solidarity and support. Maith thú Gabriel.

Críoch/Ends.

With many thanks to: Des Dalton, President Republican Sinn Féin.

Picket in support of the 5th Annual International POW Day, which was held in the Bullring on the 24th of October. This statement was read out at the picket;

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End the Maghberry torture

Comrades, we are gathered here today to pay homage to our brave volunteers and to highlight the plight that they are currently facing as they languish in captivity. It is important to send not only our Solidarity, but also to show our defiance of British rule and continue to progress towards the United Ireland we need.

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Comrades of RSF picketing at the Bullring in Wexford, on the 5th Annual International POW Day.

https://m.facebook.com/home.php#!/RepublicanSinnFeinWexford/photos/a.521072591308883.1073741825.412177065531770/903915233024615/?type=3

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Comrades of RSF James Connolly Cumann in Australia on International POW Day.

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International Prisoner of War Day of Action

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Comrades in Gaza showing there Solidarity

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Comrades in Solidarity also in London, England.

With many thanks to: Republican Sinn Féin Wexford:
http:// https://m.facebook.com/RepublicanSinnFeinWexford/photos/a.521072591308883.1073741825.412177065531770/903915233024615/?type=3#!/RepublicanSinnFeinWexford/

On this day, October 14th 2001 – The remains of Ten Republican Martyrs, executed by the British during “The Black and Tan War”, were removed from Mountjoy Prison and reburied with full military honours in Glasnevin Cemetary.

“The Forgotten Ten” (O’Glacain) – Irish Brigade   https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=2NbALXtbL0U&feature=youtu.be

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https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=900350980044677&id=100002093504519&_rdr#!/theirishbrigade/photos/a.640838555957811.1073741829.127513567290315/1015658575142472/?type=3&source=57

Corbyn gets my vote to be next leader of Labour

Corbyn gets my vote to be next leader of Labour.

IF JEREMY Corbyn had been Labour leader and prime minister in 2002-2003 instead of Tony Blair millions of Iraqis now dead or displaced would be alive and living in their home country.

Saddam would still be alive, still a dictator, and there would be no Isis, no American/British nightly bombing in Iraq/Syria if he had been leader and prime minister instead of David Cameron in 2011. There would not have been half-million tons of bombs dropped on Libya. Gaddafi would still be ruling Libya and it would still be a prosperous country not as it is today, a governless wasteland. The Africans would be employed by Gaddifi in Libya, so no boat people drowning in the Mediterranean; no deaths trying to reach the country of their tormentor and wrecker of their homes. Similar could be said re Africans in Syria, Yemen and Afghanistan. Oh that there were multiple Jeremy Corbyns in the past century. Certainly a Corbyn clone would not have allowed the Palestinians to be punished (as the British did) for other peoples’ crimes. I’m not too sure how he would have handled the Second World War. It is possible that if there had been no British Empire (which a Jeremy Corbyn would never have allowed) Hitler might not have got the same idea. No wars, no deaths, no terror and definitelty no trident. No Hiroshima, no Nagasaki and definitely no drones. The billions saved would have paid for welfare reform. I’m sure there would be a downside to a Corbyn government but at least a lot more human beings would be alive and the world would not target or hate the British for what they did worldwide with their military killing machines.

With many thanks to: Peter McEvoy Banbridge, Co Down. In a letter to The Irish News. Friday August 21st 2015.

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The Easter Uprising Timeline…

The Easter Uprising of 1916 was a pivotal event in Ireland‘s recent history. Before the Easter Uprising, few in Ireland were overt supporters of the rebels. After the 1916 Uprising, those involved achieved the status of heroes.

On the morning of Easter Monday, about 1,250 people started a rebellion that Patrick Pearse had labelled an all-but suicidal mission. They set out to capture the most prominent buildings in Dublin. The General Post Office is now most associated with the rebels – though they failed to capture or threaten probably the most important building in Dublin – the castle which served as the headquarters of the British administration in Ireland.

From what we know Patrick Pearse said to his mother, we know that he was all but sure the rebellion would fail.

“The day is coming when I shall be shot, swept away, and my colleagues like me……… Shot like the others. We’ll all be shot.” – Willie Pearse.

So why did he go ahead with it? Some reasons put forward for this are:

1. That the people of Ireland who supported the republican cause would be moved to join the rebels once the rebellion got underway.

2. That the British, with the military situation in Europe, would feel that they could not control Ireland and would pull out.

3. Some have suggested that the Germans would have come to the aid of the rebels and support them in their hour of need in an effort to further weaken the British war aims in Western Europe.

The rebels had rifles but no artillery. The leaders of the rebels hoped that the British army would not use artillery as too much important property might be damaged – and a lot of it was owned by British companies. The rebels did little to disguise what they were doing. They did not gather at dawn to get some cover from the poor light but marched at midday in full view of those Dubliners who were out for what was a bank holiday. The first hours of the rebellion went reasonably smoothly. Fourteen major buildings were taken on both sides of the River Liffey. The rebels based their headquarters at the GPO in what was then Sackville Street but is now O’Connell Street. Patrick Pearse announced the creation of the Republic of Ireland from the Post Office. Also based at the Post Office was Michael Collins who was to play a pivotal role in the future politics of Ireland.

The rebels had carefully chosen the buildings and areas to capture.

The South Dublin Union The Four Courts St. Stephen’s Green Boland’s Flour Mill

The latter building was especially important as it covered the docks at which any troops sent to Dublin would disembark.

The rebels cut telephone lines which, for a while, cut off Dublin Castle. However, they had no phone lines between their main bases and had to rely on runners to keep in contact with each other. At the height of the fighting, messenger boys could not be used simply because of the dangers involved.

Once the British had got over the initial shock of what the rebels had done, they started to organise themselves. Troops stationed near to Dublin were brought in and Dublin Castle informed the most senior British army officer based in London, Lord French, what was going on. French was an Irishman but also a strong Unionist. What was to happen to the rebels was clearly shown in his response to what Dublin Castle had told him. French ordered that four army divisions were to be sent to Dublin. He was in no mood to appease those involved in what he considered to be abject treachery. French wanted the rebels crushed.

Tuesday April 25th was a reasonably quiet day. The rebels busied themselves with reinforcing their bases while the British were clearly pondering their next move. The British army surrounded the area of Dublin that was affected and brought in artillery that was based in Trinity College. Their plan was to split the rebels in two by driving a wedge between them. The fact that the rebels had failed to take an important building such as Trinity College summarised their main problem – a simple lack of people participating in the rebellion. However, it was on this day that martial law was declared by the British; looting occurred in the streets of the city and people not involved in the rebellion were shot by the British army. The rebels based at Boland’s Flour Mill, led by Eamonn de Valera, failed to stop British reinforcements landing at Dublin’s docks (now Dun Laoghaire) and by Wednesday 26th, the rebels were outnumbered 20 to 1.

It was on Wednesday that the British army started their attack on the rebels. The rebels had hoped that the British army would spare buildings in Dublin that either belonged to British companies or had simple capital value. This did not happen. The army flattened any building it felt it had to. A gunboat, the ‘Helga’ was brought in to assist this action. Civilian casualties were high and the attack by the British army failed to distinguish between rebels and civilians. If a building was felt to harbour a rebel, it was attacked. By the end of Wednesday, the British army had clearly shown its hand on how it would deal with the rebellion.

On Thursday 27th, a new military commander arrived in Dublin – General Sir John Maxwell. As the city was under martial law, he had full powers to effectively do as he wished. Asquith, the British Prime Minister, had given Maxwell one simple instruction – put down the rebellion as quickly as was possible. No restraints were put on his methods.

One reason that civilian casualties were so high was because many of the rebels wore civilian clothing. Therefore, British soldiers in Dublin made the assumption that anyone seen in the city not in a British army uniform was a rebel. The use of artillery also led to the city burning and the fire service could not operate properly in such circumstances and the British army was in no hurry to use its men to put out any fires. Their logic was that fire could only assist their cause and do serious damage to the rebels.

By Friday 28th, the General Post Office was in a state of collapse and the rebels based there escaped to a nearby building. A last stand was made in King’s Street but up against 5,000 troops, the remaining rebels had little chance. It was near King’s Street that it is said that attacks against civilians hiding for their own safety were carried out by members of the army.

On Saturday 29th, the rebels surrendered. Connolly had been seriously wounded and it was Patrick Pearse that formally surrendered to the British.

On Sunday 30th, the rebels were marched across Dublin to prison. At times they were jeered by Dubliners who had seen part of their city wrecked. Damage to central Dublin totalled £2.5 million – a considerable sum of money then. About 500 British soldiers had been killed and over 1000 civilians.

The leaders of the rebellion were shown no mercy. They were tried in secret by a military court and sentenced to death. Their deaths were only publicly announced after their executions. It was now that public opinion in Ireland turned towards the rebels. There was an overwhelming belief that the executions had been unfair and that the men involved, at the very least, deserved a public trial. When it became known that Connolly had been tied to a chair and shot as he was so badly wounded, there was nothing short of public revulsion in parts of Ireland.

Here was the great irony. The hoped for support from the people of Dublin during the rebellion did not occur; the arrested rebels were paraded through Dublin to boos and jeers – and yet within days, the rebels had gone from ‘villains’ to heroes. Asquith quickly took on board the Irish public’s anger and sacked General Maxwell – though the damage had already been done. In an effort to appease the public in Ireland, nearly 3,000 people arrested after the rebellion were released from prisons in mainland Britain. They returned to Ireland and immediately set about rekindling a republican movement.

In an effort to solve what had become called the ‘Irish Problem’, the new British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, called for an Irish Convention to discuss all matter related to Ireland. Sinn Fein refused to attend this and it was a complete failure. In response to this, known leaders of the republican movement were arrested and put into mainland prisons. One man escaped this – Michael Collins. It was Collins who was to lead the republican movement in the immediate aftermath of the failed convention; a leadership that pushed Ireland into civil war. —

BRITISH INTERESTS BEST SERVED BY PRESENT ARRANGEMENTS !

 This letter appeared in the Irish News today and I thought I would share it, it’s written by – Martin GalvinNew York.

WHY would the British ever heed Brian Feeney’s call to Wipe the Slate Clean ( March 27 ) much less risk any honest truth process, when BBritish interests are better served by the present arrangements ? The ‘ unspoken amnesty ‘ which Brian Feeney says veteran republicans were led to expect, has been twisted by the British into a selective one-sided immunity or ‘ impunity ‘ for Crown Forces.

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Britain may dole out the occasional hard won apology burt need not arrest uniformed members of the British army or Constabulary (RUC), who carried out or colluded in sanctioned murders, which Cameron terms Unjustifiable Killings. The British have systematically stonewalled the families of collusion murder victims, like that of Pat Finucane among so many others. Some bereaved families will count it a victory to see an inquest, much less see the culprits in the dock. Even Saville stopped at scapegoating the troopers who carried out the orders on Bloody Sunday.

What makes anyone beleive the British would ever risk, much less encourage, any independant truth search which required troopers and constabulary (RUC) members to lead us back up the chain of command and indict those who gave orders or set policies ? On the other hand, quarter-century-old charges can be unearthed to send inconvenient republicans, like Gerry McGeough to Maghaberry, should they dare speak too strongly against such injustices during an election campaign. Britain’s lateset innovation of internment by licence & remand, today practised upon Marian Price and Martin Corey, was devised to threaten others. For example, should Gerry McGeough stand for election to Stormont or a council seat and campaign against British injustice, will constabulary (PSNI/RUC ) members await him at the polls claiming secret evidence to revoke his licence ? Why would they ever cede exclusive control and risk a genuine independent search for truth ? Surely those who negotiated such terms for republicans ( $hame £ein ) did not see this coming. Surely they have a moral duty to do more to undo these twisted terms than sitting still for them at Stormont.

Davy Hyland – “British Army haven’t gone away you know”

Independent republican councillor for Newry and Mourne, Davy Hyland, has voiced his anger and concern over the continued operations of the British Army in the six-counties.

Davy was speaking after it was recently revealed that the British army’s Special Reconnaissance Regiment (SRR) were responsible for planting a tracking device on a republican’s car.

Davy said “The British army are very active in the six-counties, people might not see them everyday but that doesn’t mean they aren’t here, lurking in the shadows. There are thousands of British combat troops garrisoned in military bases across the North. We are under foreign occupation, make no bones about that”.

The revelations that a covert British army unit, the SRR, was involved in planting a tracking device on a republicans car is a worrying development. This particular unit are closely linked with the SAS and the 14th intelligence company who are well skilled in colluding with unionist death squads. How many more covert operations are being carried out against the republican community?

Hyland continued “British soldiers have also been involved in raiding homes across the 6 counties, including nationalist areas here in Newry and this was exposed by éirígí last year. At the time there wasn’t a single word of condemnation from the establishment parties. The same people who try and portray the 6 counties as a normal society, yet we are far from normal, we still have armed British soldiers on operations regardless of whether we can see them or not. The establishment parties might be happy that everything is ok as long as you can’t see British soldiers, but for republicans the British army is not welcome in any part of Ireland, under any guise, under any circumstances. 

 

POSTED ON BEHALF OF : by Stephen Murney on Tuesday, 21 February 2012 at 17:17 ·

BALLYMURPHY .. “The Aftermath”

BALLYMURPHY .. "The Aftermath"

 
Friday at 19:30 until Sunday at 23:00
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    THREE PERFORMANCES OF THE AWARD WINNING PLAY BALLYMURPHY MASSACRE…………A Play about the events of the MassacreThe stories of those killed and their families who have organised the research and the lobbying that has brought this event to public attention.The Fami…lies believe that by putting the event on record it will force the Britishto admit its wrong doings of 1971 and lead to an apology from those responsible. The play will tell this story.The play is written by Brenda Murphy, Directed by Pam Brighton …. tickets £10
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