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‘Offensive’ RAF poster torn down ahead of Bloody Sunday anniversary

32 County Sovereignty Movement members remove an RAF banner from a hoarding in Derry city yesterday.

An RAF recruitment billboard in Derry’s Brandywell area has been torn down by dissident republicans.

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The large RAF Royal Air Force Reserves recruitment billboard was erected at the junction of Lone Moor Road and Foyle Road in recent days. Members of the 32 County Sovereignty Movement (32CSM) pulled down the billboard – which faced drivers entering the city from Co Donegal – yesterday afternoon. However, as they were doing so, representatives of the company which erected the poster arrived to remove it as well after they were contacted by the SDLP. Police filmed the removal of the poster from a discreet distance. 32CSM spokesman, Gary Donnelly claimed people living in the Brandywell area were furious that the billboard was erected. “This is a complete insult to the people of the Brandywell. It’s also a disgrace that it should have been put up within yards of the route of the Bloody Sunday march, particularly at this time of the year with the anniversary coming up,” Mr Donnelly said. Derry SDLP spokesman Emmet Doyle said such posters could cause hurt and distress in some areas. “A number of peope have been in touch to say how disgusted they are and how they find the poster deeply offensive, especially given this time of the year in the lead up to the anniversary of Bloody Sunday,” he said. Stangford DUP MLA Jonathan Bell criticised the SDLP veiw. “The RAF has a proud distinguished history of service and recruits people from all parts of the Uniited Kingdom regardless of their political beliefs or religious persuasion and rightly so. “Many will find it bizarre if the SDLP is opposed to RAF jobs being advertised. Such a stance suggests they have forsaken any semblance of commitment to a shared future and equality let alone fair employment.”

With many thanks to: Seamus McKinney, The Irish News.

Masked flag-bearer appeals conviction

‘This classically is a case which calls for an answer from the person who knows whether he was on that march or not – Sir Declan Morgan.

A DERRY man given a suspended jail sentence for being the masked flag bearer in a republican parade was never properly identified, the Court of Appeal has heard. Lawyers for Patrick John McDaid argued that experts in facial mapping and image comparison techniques were not certain he had been the man pictured in a balaclava.

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As well as the photographs and facial mapping evidence, the judge in the non-jury trail in Belfast Crown Court heard how police later seized a document which purported to be minutes of a meeting to organise the march. It included the reference: ‘Colour party – McDaid to get people sorted’. But judges in the Court of Appeal were told on Tuesday that nothing more than a surname was found. Kieran Mallon QC, for McDaid, also challenged the strength of the evidence from an expert who noted striking similarities in the lips and eyes of his client and Man X. “It’s our contention there was not established any form of meaningful identification,” he said. “On balance he cannot say the accused and Mr X were one and the same person, primarily because there was no statistical database against which he could test an individual with that type of eye colour or lip shape.” Lord Chief Justice Declan Morgan, sitting with Lords Justice Girvan and Coghlin, drew his attention to two other strands of the prosecution case: McDaids name being on the organising document and his participation in previous events. Mr Mallon accepted there would have been clear suspicions, but contended this fell short of proof. Sir Declan then alluded to McDaid’s failure to give any evidence at trial. “This classically is a case which calls for an answer from the person who knows whether he was on that march or not,” he said. Judgment in the appeal was reserved.

With thanks to: The Irish News

THE PSNI/RUC (reformed are you having a laugh) Abandon Challenge To Stop-And-Search ruling.

POLICE have a banded a planned Supreme Court challenge to a ruling that stop, search and question operations involving a former IRA hunger striker and a brother-in-law of Martin McGunness were unlawful.

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“Anyone ever stopped and searched under Section 21 of the Stop and Search Act,

Seek legal advice and sue the PSNI/RUC

It was ilillegal and you are entitled to claim against our

so-called great unbiased police service – TAL32.

Senoir judges in Belfast have been told an appeal by the cheif contabe and secretary of state in the cases of Bernard Fox and Marvin Canning was no longer being persued. Both men are now to press ahead with claimes for damages againt the PSNI/RUC, with Mr Cannings ‘ lawyer disclosing he has been stopped more than 100 times. Eariler this year the Court of Appeal held there was a lack of adequate safegards against potental abuse of system used under the Justice and Security (Northern Ireland) Act 2007. Mr Canning, from Derry, said the stop and question powers were incomppatible with his right to privacy under Euorpean law. The 55-year-old, who is related to the deputy first minister through marriage, alleged that officers were sometimes oppressive and confrontational. He denies any involvement in terrorism but confirmed he is a member of the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, stating it is not an illegal organization. Police had rejected claims that powers under the act were arbitrary used against him.

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A similar judicial rreview challenge was brought by Mr Fox, who took part in the 1981 Hunger strike at the Maze Prison, and his companion Christine McNulty. The Belfast man served more than 20 years in prison for offences including possession of explosives before being released under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. Police stopped a car he and Ms McNulty were travelling in near Camlough, Co Armagh in March 2011. Their vehicle was searched for munitions, while an officer allegedly took Ms McNulty’s handbag and went through the contents. Mr Fox denies any invovement with dissident republican activities. Police argued that the power was not intended to be used randomly but rather on the basis of threat. Lawyers in both cases successfully overturned a previous High Court decision that no violation under the European Convention on Human Rights had occourred. In the Court of appeal ruling Lord Justice Girvan identified the absence of a code of practice for stop and question operatins under Section 21 of the act. The legal framework pending the introduction of an effective code dies not contain the kind of safeguards against potential abuse or arbitrariness, he held.

Although ammendments have been made to the section dealing with stop-and-search actions, the court ruled in favour of Mr Fox and Ms McNulty based on the situation at the time. Counsel for the chief constable and the secretary of state was expected to attempt to appeal the verdicts at the UK’s highest court but both pulled out at the last minute. However, Tony McGleenan QC on Friday told the Court of Appeal: “I have received instructions this morning that we are not to pursue the appliction for leave to appeal to the Supreme Court in either the Fox or McNulty cases.” Following the notification Mr Canning’s solicitor Paul Pierce of KRW law said: “In veiw of the decision by the chief constable and the secretary of state to abandon the appeal, it now confirms the ruling that the stop and search powers used by police were unlawful. “The fact that a code of practice has now been introduced does not remeady the unlawful use of these wide-ranging powers.” “Our client will now be pursuring a claim for damages, having been subjected to these stop and search powers in excess of 100 times.”

With many thanks to : The Irish News.

Related articles

DEAR SINN FEIN…….,

DONT VOTE FOR SINN FEIN "Traitors"

Cumann Sean MacEachaidh

Having abandoned the pledge to secure a 32 County Democratic Socialist Republic in pursuit of imperialist acceptance and parochial prestige you condemned the generations next to sectarian division.

By propagating the myth the Good Friday Agreement had the ability to deliver a United Ireland and refusing to concede that you had accepted the Union with Britain as the legitimate constitutional position you condemned the generations next to sectarian division.

Attempting to conceal your acceptance of the Union with Britain and thus your evolution in to a Unionist party you have engaged in a process of sectarian jesting with equally vile and contemptible Politicians from other Unionist parties. You have used symbolism to portray a Republican image and and secure Loyalist Reaction. You have done so to maintain an appropriate level of inter-communal mistrust and violence which is required to maintain the sectarian pact between the British War machine it’s Loyalist proxies and Constitutional Nationalism. In doing so you condemned the generations next to sectarian division.

On Monday morning Little children will make their way to school, their uniforms and little shoes but one week old and for some the ribbons in their hair still a novelty. They will be completely oblivious to the Red Hand Defenders threat that hangs over their heads.

We won’t because in all you have done you have done nothing but condemn the generations next to sectarian division.

ANTI-INTERNMENT RALLY GIVEN GO-AHEAD

AN ANTI-INTERNMENT march through Belfast city centre was last night given the go-ahead without restrictions by the Parades Commission.

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The 5,000-strong rally involving republican groups on August 9 will mark the 42nd anniversary of the introduction of internment.The three-hour march, organised by the Anti-Internment League will begin in Ardoyne at 6.00pm before making its way to the city centre and along Royal Avenue. Organisations taking part include the Republican Network for Unity and 32 County Sovereignty Movement. The Parades Commission determination ruled that the march should comply with the adjudication body’s code of conduct. Marchers must “behave with due regard for the rights, traditions and feelings of others in the vicinity”.

No depictions of firearms or uniforms that could be interpreted as that of a proscribed organization should be displayed during the parade. Several hundred people plan to join protests as part of three groups: Greater Concerned Residents Group Belfast; Concerned Residents Group Shankill Belfast and United Protestant Voice. Organisers of the parade have said the event has been arranged to highlight the “internment” of some dissident republicans facing parsmilitary-related charges.

With many thanks to : The Irish News.

Related articles

INTERNMENT MARCH ORGANISERS ‘willing to meet unionists’

This is not a republican parade or a dissident parade, it’s a human rights parade…. If any former loyalist ex-internees want to come along to oppose the continued use of internment they are more than welcome - Dee Fennell.

THE organisers of an anti-internment parade in Belfast involving republican groups say they are willing to meet Unionists concerned about the event. Two previously unknown groups have applied to the Parades Commission to hold protests when the parade passers through the city centre on August 9.

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Unionist politicians have also expressed concerns about the parade. The Anti-Internment League (AIL) says its event has been arranged to highlight the “internment” of some republicans facing paramilitary-related charges. The march is scheduled to take place on August 9 – the 42nd anniversary of the introduction of internment – and will start in Ardoyne, North Belfast, before eventually making its way down Royal Avenue in the city centre. It will pass along Falls Road to Andersontown, in the west of the city, for a rally. Organisations and political parties taking part include Eirgi, the Republican Network for Unity, the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, the 1916 Societies and the Irish Republican Socialist Party. Organisers say human rights groups, trade unions and GAA clubs from across the north have also been invited to take part in the parade which could attract up to 5,000 people.

Greater Concerned Residents Group Belfast and Concerned Residents Group – Shankill Belfast, have applied to the Parades Commission to hold separate protests at Royal Avenue involving up to 150 people at each. Organiser Dee Fennell said the parade will focus on the internment issue and insisted the parade route was chosen to avoid potential flashpoints. “It’s a human rights parade,” he said. “This is not a republican parade or a dissident parade, it’s a human rights parade that republicans are taking part in. “We have invited trade unions and ex-prisoner groups, including Sinn Fein aligned ones, to take part. “If any loyalist ex-internees want to come along to oppose the continued use of internment they are more than welcome.”

Mr Fennell said there is some confusion over the two groups planning to hold protests. “They are not residents groups because the parade is not passing any Protestant areas and as far as I know nobody lives in Castlecourt,” he said. He added that parade organisers are willing to meet any group or elected representatives that “have any concerns relating to this parade”. DUP assembly member Robin Newton, who had been critical of the planned parade, dismissed any suggestion of a meeting saying some of the “organisations taking part that day will be beyond talking to”. The Parades Commission is expected to issue a determination in relation to the parade and associated protests this week.

With many thanks to : Connla Young, The Irish News.

A BRIEF WRITE-UP ON THE GREAT IRISH REPUBLICAN SOCIALIST, JIM GRALTON, WHO WAS DEPORTED FROM IRELAND IN 1933.

James Connolly Assoc Australia

Jim Gralton, Irish Republican Socialist.

On August 13, 1933 Jim Gralton was forced to board a Trans-Atlantic Liner in Cork which was to set sail for the USA. Jim had been arrested on August 10 at a friend’s house in Gorvagh, County Leitrim and brought to Ballinamore Barracks where he was detained before being brought to Cork for his deportation. He had been living on the run since February of that year following the issuing of a deportation order by the courts who ruled that he had to leave Ireland by March 5. His deportation 77 years ago makes him the only native Irishman to be deported from this state.

He was born in Effernagh close to Carrick on Shannon in County Leitrim on April 17 1886. His education, such as it was, was received in nearby Kiltoghert school. Like most young people at the time, he left school early, aged just 14. After working for a number of employers in the local area, fed up with the harsh treatment he and others suffered at their hands, Jim headed for Dublin where he enlisted in the British army.

His rebellious behaviour was not long coming through and he endured punishment of 84 days on “bread and water” for his refusal to shine the leggings and buttons of one of his officers. He was then posted to India, but refused to go in protest at British policies in Ireland. For his defiance and protest, Jim was jailed for a year and subsequently deserted the army, going to work for a time in the coal mines of Wales and in Liverpool docks.

He then got employment as a ship’s stoker and eventually settled in New York where he became a US citizen in 1909. In the midst of the great wealth in the USA, Jim was appalled at the harsh, slave-like conditions that workers endured, which led him to become a firm believer in supporting the rights of workers and in socialism.

From the time he arrived in the US, Jim was active in supporting and raising much needed funds for both the Irish republican struggle and for fellow workers in New York. He became a member of the US Communist Party and became heavily involved in trade union activity. In the wake of the 1916 Rising, and after studying of the writings of James Connolly, Jim became a founding member of the James Connolly Club in New York.

Almost a decade and a half after arriving in the US, Jim decided to return home to Ireland in June 1921, just a month before the truce in the Tan War commenced on the 11th of July. During the war, the notorious Black and Tans had burnt the local Temperance Hall beside Gowel Church to the ground. On his return, Jim promised local people he would replace it and set about, with his own money and with local support, building a new hall on his father’s land near Effernagh crossroads.

The new hall, named the Pearse-Connolly Hall, was eventually opened on December 31 1921 and became an integral part of the everyday lives of the local community. Amongst its many uses was the holding in classes of a wide range of subjects including Irish, English, music, dancing, civics and agricultural science. This was also a time of many land disputes and the Hall was also used to hold Land Courts to settle many of these disputes. Despite the good work Jim was doing for his community and despite the valuable educational service that was been provided, not everyone was happy.

The Catholic Church in particular were extremely unhappy. They denounced him at every opportunity, at the pulpit during mass and in letters, going as far as to describe him as an extremely dangerous socialist and even an “Anti-Christ”. They accused him of “leading a campaign of Land agitation”, of trying to take the youth of the area away from the Catholic Church and of teaching communism to them in his classes.

The Free State forces also were unhappy with his activities, and on May 24 1922, they raided the Hall in a failed attempt to arrest Jim. The following month, as Civil War loomed, he got out and returned to the US. He did not return to Ireland until 1932 following the death of his brother Charlie who looked after and ran the family farm and following the securing of power in the Twenty-Six Counties by Fianna Fáil. Like many other people at that time, Jim was of the mistaken belief that a Fianna Fáil government would allow for the development of progressive politics in his homeland.

Following his return to Ireland, Jim re-opened the Pearse-Connolly Hall which had been closed for many years while he was in the US. He also involved himself once again in left-wing agitation, joining the Revolutionary Workers’ Group [a forerunner of the Communist Party of Ireland]. As well as the hall being used for dances and other social activities, meetings were also held there highlighting issues such as unemployment and the rights of workers and tenants.

He spoke at many anti-eviction meetings and following the eviction of a worker from his home in Keadue, also in County Leitrim, Jim joined with a local IRA group in re-instating the worker and his family back into their family home. This radicalism and persistent campaigning on such issues was of major concern once again to conservatives in general and to the Catholic Church and Fianna Fáil in particular.

Once again, Jim was denounced as a massive campaign was launched by the clergy against him and the views he represented. Shamefully, many of his former comrades turned their backs on him, as the church demanded that the Hall, which they described as a “den of iniquity” be shut down.

The Hall came under physical attack on many occasions. Shots were fired into it during a dance and an attempt to blow it up with a bomb failed. Finally, on Christmas Eve 1932, the Hall was eventually destroyed when it was burned to the ground.

In February of 1933, at the behest of the Catholic Church, the Fianna Fáil government ordered the deportation of Jim from his homeland by March 5 on the spurious grounds of him being an “undesirable alien”. Instead of complying with the order, Jim went on the run, staying with friends and neighbours in the area. During his time on the run, the Revolutionary Workers’ Group organised a campaign in support of Jim. Public meetings were organised and addressed by Jim himself, and by other prominent republican socialists of the time such as George Gilmore and Peadar O’Donnell. Many of these meetings were attacked and broken up by reactionaries.

Finally on August 10 1933, the Free State caught up with Jim, capturing him at a friend’s house in Gorvagh. He was taken to Ballinamore Barracks where he was detained before being transported to Cork where he was put on board a Trans-Atlantic Liner and deported to the US against his will. He was never again allowed to return to Ireland.

Undeterred, upon his arrival back in the US, Jim once again got involved in trade unionism and left wing politics. Along with Gerald O’Reilly, a close colleague of George Gilmore, Jim set up the Irish Workers’ Group in New York. He became a trade union organiser, encouraging the involvement of women within the unions, and set about promoting, republishing and distributing the works of James Connolly. During the Spanish Civil War, he raised funds for the International Brigades who were going to Spain to fight against fascism and in defence of the Republic.

A committed and unrepentant communist up to his last breath, Jim Gralton died in exile in New York on December 29 1945 and is buried in Woodlawn cemetery in the Bronx area of the City.

To conclude fittingly, the final words go to a comrade of Jim’s, Charlie Byrne. Speaking at Jim’s Graveside in the Bronx in 2005 to commemorate the 60th anniversary of his death, Charlie said:

“Let all of us who believe in the principles for which Gralton stood, pledge ourselves anew to the continuation of the fight for the complete political, cultural and economic rights of the working classes in all lands, no crying, no weeping over his grave at Woodlawn. There is work to be done, so let us carry on; Gralton would have it that way.

http://www.eirigi.org/latest/latest150810.html

James Connolly Assoc Australia

Although Jim Gralton has the ominous distinction of being the only Irish man to be deported from Ireland many other republicans and socialists found they had no choice but to emigrate due the stranglehold the conservative catholic church had over the country at the time. The Waterford IRA commander George Lennon being the most notable, amongst a huge section of anti-treaty republicans.

CONTINUED ABUSE OF CHILDREN AND ILLEGAL STOP SEARCHES BY THE PSNI/RUC

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Derry 32 County Sovereignty Movement

JUN

17

Continued abuse of Children and illegal stop searches by the RUC

A young mother was travelling with her partner and her 10 year old son when stopped by the RUC/PSNI who followed them before deciding to stop and search them as they passed through a Loyalist area. She was told that they intended to carry out a search under the illegal section 44 and proceeded to conduct a search. They stated then that they intended to conduct a search on her 10 year old son who in fear clung to his mother and while searching him they pulled down the trousers of the youngster.

The young mother and child were absolutely distraught and this shows that the supposed new face of policing have no qualms about abusing young children to enforce their will upon parents.

May 11

RUC/PSNI target infants and family at Toy Store

Derry 32 County Sovereignty Movement would like to bring to the attention of the General public the ongoing targeting and abuse of Children by the Sectarian force who run amok under the banner of  “Police Service of Northern Ireland.”

The devolution of Policing and renaming of the Royal Ulster constabulary is merely what a lot of people had guessed it would be… A simple cosmetic exercise designed to try and lend a veneer of respectability around a Corrupt British Sectarian force.

 

PSNI/MI5 TRACKING AND LISTENING DEVICES DISCOVERED ON LOCAL 32CSM ACTIVIST’S CAR

Derry 32 County Sovereignty Movement

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PSNI/MI5 tracking and listening devices discovered in local 32csm activist‘s car

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A member of the 32 County Sovereignty Movement has recently found what is thought to be two wireless listening bluetooth type devices and what appears to be a tracking device hidden in various parts of his car.

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The objects were discovered within 20 minutes of the Republican activist being subjected to harassment by local RUC/PSNI officers under the draconian stop and search legislation.

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The items were secreted on the underside of the Driver’s seat,underneath carpet in the rear passenger footwell and affixed behind the rear seats.

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The 32 County Sovereignty Movement would ask all to check their cars thoroughly and  would reiterate our call to all Republicans to remain vigilant and  notify your local branch of the 32csm of any suspicious objects or approachs.

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RELEASE MARIAN PRICE ENOUGH IS ENOUGH LET HER TORTURE END

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HARK:Northern Ireland Human Rights Initiative

Bernadette Devlin McAliskey, veteran Irish civil rights leader, said in response to the case of Irish republican Marian Price, who was returned to jail in 2011: “It is a clear signal to everyone who is not ‘on board’ and who is not of the same mind as the government that no dissent will be tolerated.

“No dissent will be tolerated and you challenge the status quo at your peril.”.

Marian Price, 59, is a long-time Irish republican activist and ex-Irish Republican Army volunteer. She was given two life sentences over bomb blasts in London in March 1973 that targeted a British army recruitment centre and Old Bailey courts. Price was one of nine republicans sentenced, including her sister Dolours and Gerry Kelly, who is now Sinn Fein MLA for North Belfast.

Price was given a “royal pardon” in 1980 and left prison suffering from poor health and weighing only five stone. The Price sisters had spent 200 days on hunger strike demanding to be transferred to a jail in Ireland’s north, where republican prisoners had political status.

They were both forcibly restrained and force-fed three times a day over the last 167 days of the hunger strike.

Despite her health issues and prolonged jailing, Price remained politically active after her release. Her outspoken criticism of British rule caused problems for the British administration, who had probably hoped she would quietly fade from the political scene.

Price’s continued activism and vocal support for republicanism kept her under scrutiny and made her a target for British security services.

Jailed on orders of government official

Price was returned to prison in 2011, not on the basis of fresh evidence or any new offence. Rather, then-British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Owen Paterson ordered her detention and charged her with encouraging support for an illegal organisation.

The basis of this charge is that Price attended a 1916 Easter Rising Commemoration held in Derry; one of many held by Irish republicans each year. At the event, Price held up a piece of paper for a masked man from the 32-County Sovereignty Movement as he read out a message.

Three days later, Price was arrested. She was then granted bail, but arrested again after she left the court on Paterson’s orders.

This time, the reason was based on secret information from the British intelligence services, which claims the evidence cannot be revealed due to national security concerns.

Later, Price was also charged with “providing property for the purposes of terrorism”; this allegedly related to her purchase of a phone, which authorities “think” was later used by attackers who killed two soldiers in 2009.

Price’s supporters believe this is merely an attempt by the British authorities to link her with a crime. No evidence or connection to the incident was produced and she was again granted bail by the court.

Yet Price remains in prison due to Paterson’s order.

Price’s real transgression seems to be her critical remarks about conditions in the six Irish counties still claimed by Britain, and of the Good Friday Agreement that lead to the power-sharing arrangement between Sinn Fein and parties that support British rule in the north.

Solitary confinement

After her arrest, Price was held in solitary confinement in the all-male Maghaberry high security prison for more than nine months, despite not being convicted of any crime.

Then in February last year, Price was taken to Hydebank Women’s Prison where she served another nine months in solitary confinement.

In May last year, the so-called charges involving the Easter Commemoration incident were thrown out of court by a judge. Still Price remained in prison as her mental and physical health rapidly deteriorated.

Then in June, by now seriously ill, she was transferred to a secure ward at Belfast hospital.

The European Court and former Commission on Human Rights, as well as the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT), have said the use of solitary confinement can be classified as torture, depending on the circumstances.

The CPT has also said that solitary confinement “can amount to inhuman and degrading treatment” and has on several occasions criticised such practices. It has recommended reforms such as abandoning specific regimes, limiting the use of solitary confinement to exceptional circumstances, and/or securing inmates a higher level of social contact.

Furthermore, the revised European Prison Rules of 2006 have clearly stated that solitary confinement should be an exceptional measure and, when used, should be for as short a time as possible.

The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has also stated that prolonged solitary confinement constitutes a form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment prohibited under Article 5 of the American Convention on Human Rights.

The UN’s lead investigator on torture, Juan Mendez, has called for governments to end the use of long spells of solitary confinement in prison. Mendez said such isolation could cause serious mental and physical damage and amounted to torture.

He further said that short term isolation was permissible only for prisoner protection, but all solitary confinement longer than 15 days should be banned.

Support for Price

In a joint statement in November last year appealing to US officials visiting Ireland to support calls for the release of Price, Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams and Sinn Fein deputy first minister of the Northern Ireland Executive Martin McGuinness said: “[Price's treatment is a] serious case of injustice and denial of human rights and judicial rights in the north of Ireland.

“We believe that her detention is unjust and runs contrary to the principles of natural justice. We believe very strongly that Marian Price McGlinchey should be released.

“ Her human rights have been breached. She has been denied justice and due process. She is seriously ill. Her detention undermines the justice system and the political process.

“She clearly presents no threat to anyone.”

The campaign to release Price has encompassed a diverse range of people and political, social and community organisations across Ireland and elsewhere. Calls for her freedom have been backed by the two parliamentary nationalist parties in the north, Sinn Fein and the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP).

Adams called for Marian’s release in November, January and again in March. McGuinness has also appealed several times for her release, most recently at Sinn Fein’s Ard Fheis (congress). He also attended and gave evidence at the Parole Commissioners hearing a short time ago.

SDLP leader Alistair McDonnell called for her release on March 30. SDLP MLA Pat Ramsey has been a vocal supporter of the release of Price, as has Lisburn independent councillor Angela Nelson.

The campaign is also supported by a wide range of republican and national groups, including the 32 County Sovereignty Movement (of which Price is a member), Irish Republican Socialist Party, Republican Network for Unity, Eirigi, Republican Sinn Fein, Irish Freedom Committee, Friends of Irish Freedom, the Celtic League, the United Celtic Brotherhood and the 1916 Societies.

Calls for Price’s freedom have also come from Dublin City Council, Fermanagh Council, Dungannon Council, Galway Council, Derry Council, Sligo Council and Omagh Council.

Among other groups calling for Price’s release are the Scottish Republican Socialist Party and Human Rights Watch UK.

Justice

Devlin McAliskey said: “I think what is very important for people to recognise that what is happening to Marian is not an isolated case. While it’s happening here in Northern Ireland and we have had to call upon the UN Rapporteur for Health to exercise his authority to examine it … [it relfects] the arrogance [of] many of the Western powers …

“I think Marian’s case is symptomatic of those things we see every day … That people can still be imprisoned without due process and that many countries, particularly in the very powerful Western alliances, feel that UN resolutions and UN protections are for protecting them from their enemies, but not people from powerful states.

“Marian’s case is not just something peculiar to the Northern Ireland situation. The increasing confidence with which fundamental human rights and due process and protections are being ignored ― I think is frightening.”

The treatment of Price amounts to a return to the bad days of interment without trial, enforced by the British on the nationalist community in Ireland’s north in the early 1970s.

Price is being held purely because of her views and criticisms. She is being selectively targeted because she refuses to remain silent in the face of British coercion and repression.

The British justice system’s mistreatment of Price has again exposed it as the disgraceful, hypocritical and discriminatory structure that it is, a fact that Irish people have experienced throughout the colonial occupation of Ireland.

Price’s case reveals the contempt the British judicial system has for genuine fairness and due process.

Twice she was granted bail by judges, only to be rearrested due to orders signed by the Northern Ireland secretary of state. Price has been illegally imprisoned. The lack of a genuine case against Price and her jailing without due process is a travesty that must be remedied by her unconditional freedom.

Price’s human rights are being grossly violated by her long-term incarceration. She is effectively detained without trial, sentence or release date. This means she could be held for an indefinite time, an illegitimate procedure that allows the British administration to hold her for the rest of her life if it so desires.

On the basis of compassion, legal, civil and political rights, and those of common sense, Price should be released immediately.

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