No Border in the Irish Sea The Northern Ireland Protocol

The North Belfast Journal A View from Napoleons Nose by Fra Hughes

No Border in the Irish Sea The Northern Ireland Protocol

By Fra Hughes

Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right. This was the rallying war cry of political unionism and it’s armed supporters in loyalist paramilitaries during the partition of Ireland in the early 20th century.

There have been many similar invocations of this settler colonial mindset throughout Irish history, together with a veto on progress within Irish Society and around Irish reunification. Blood-curdling war cries of No Surrender, No Lundy Traitors, No sellouts, No Anglo-Irish Agreement 1985, No Good Friday Agreement 1998, and most recently No Border in the Irish Sea 2021.

The ever-present threat of Loyalist violence is promoted by the Unionist political establishment. It uses the threat of armed loyalism, combined with its continued Veto, granted by successive British government’s for generations, this duopoly of political and paramilitary power is used to prevent any progress on…

View original post 766 more words

BBC filmed a secret Saor Éire training camp, on 15, December 1970.

irishrepublicanmarxisthistoryproject

BBC television filmed a secret training camp, on 15, December 1970, at Lacken in the Wicklow mountains. It was complete with a dugout and firing range. Saor Éire volunteers appeared in masks and military uniform.

• 

• 

  January 26,1971. Irish Press

View original post

Anti-Spy Detector

https://www.theclevhouse.com/products/anti-spy-detector?fbclid=PAAaZXp6_PTL3wMd0SU5ux7FIi2FxsTKpr5U7aWb5qgYZP3lVKS12baZz2d3A

Shrinking Ireland: Global Warning in Local Communities | Dissident Voice

https://dissidentvoice.org/2021/02/shrinking-ireland-global-warning-in-local-communities/

Disconnect, or Continuity? The Gardiner Committee in Perspective

Writing the 'Troubles'

By Michael Livesey–

In January 1975, the Gardiner Committee on Terrorism and Subversion published its final Report on ‘Measures to Deal with Terrorism in Northern Ireland’. The Report made several recommendations to the Government of Harold Wilson, relating to security and prison administration. Chief amongst these were recommendations to abolish Special Category Status in Northern Irish prisons, and in futureto house those convicted of scheduled offences in a new, state-of-the-art facility at The Maze/Long Kesh.

Introduced by Secretary of State William Whitelaw shortly after the imposition of Direct Rule in Northern Ireland, Special Category Status was afforded to those inmates convicted of crimes related to the conflict (of whom there were 1,119 when the Gardiner Committee submitted its Report).[1] Paramilitary convicts were accommodated in prisoner-of-war style camps – where they were permitted to wear their own clothes and associate freely, and where they could avoid conventional prison…

View original post 1,729 more words

The Real Meaning Of The Capitol Siege

I’m inviting you to AttaPoll

I’m inviting you to join AttaPoll. Get paid to take surveys. Download the app here: https://attapoll.app/join/vabpi

Major General Robert Ross and the War of 1812

–by Patrick McGuire, USCHS intern, with an introduction by Joanna Hallac To kick off our August Brown Bag series yesterday, which we told you about on Monday, Dr. John McCavitt introduced the audience to Major General Robert Ross and his time in the British Army during the War of 1812, most notably his role in the burning of […]

Major General Robert Ross and the War of 1812

A date for Irish unity | Shared Ireland

https://sharedireland.com/a-date-for-irish-unity/

Photographs, Trauma and the Ownership of the Dead

Writing the 'Troubles'

By Matthew Gault

On 30 August, public and digital anthropologist Kate Ellenberger began a discussion on Twitter about using images of the deceased, in particular of their bodies, without the consent of family members. She also reflected on the impact these images can have on readers. In Northern Ireland we frequently see images of the dead and of the aftermath of violence shared through print media, documentaries, and increasingly through social media. These images are widely shared and seen as either in the public domain or of historical value. Yet for many within Northern Ireland, and further afield, these are images of events that caused trauma or changed their lives dramatically. I believe that the use of images of the dead of the ‘Troubles’ raises four important questions. Firstly, why use images of the dead and of atrocities at all? Secondly, what are the potential risks of using these…

View original post 1,000 more words